LAS ANOD, Somalia – Somalia’s decision to officially recognize SSC-Khaatumo as its sixth Federal Member State has redrawn political lines in the Horn of Africa, undermining secessionist Somaliland’s territorial claims and complicating the strategic ambitions of global powers, including the United States, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates.
The announcement on April 14 followed a year-long uprising by the people of SSC-Khaatumo against Somaliland’s authority. The majority in the region, the Dhulbahante clan, declared its loyalty to the Somali federal government after expelling Somaliland forces from its capital, Las Anod, in August 2023.
“The people of SSC-Khaatumo revolted against Somaliland’s oppression that began in 2007,” said Dr. Abdirahman M. Abdi Hashi, senior advisor to SSC-Khaatumo leader Abdiqadir Ahmed Aw-Ali. “They are patriotic Somalis who have always believed in the unity and sovereignty of Somalia. Secession was never their project.”
For months, Las Anod endured intense shelling from Somaliland forces, which destroyed schools, mosques, hospitals, and homes, displacing over 200,000 people. The SSC-Khaatumo administration took control of the region amid the violence. It maintained governance until formal recognition came this year.
The recognition has effectively reduced Somaliland’s territorial reach to around 45% of the area it once claimed. This development poses serious questions for the US and Israel, which had considered recognizing Somaliland to establish military footholds near the Red Sea.
“What will the US and Israel recognize now—a Somaliland cut in half?” Hashi asked.
The power struggle has also reignited nationalist sentiments in Awdal, a northwestern region of Somaliland, where locals reject Hargeisa’s rule and demand integration into Somalia’s federal system.
Global power games and strategic stakes
The international implications of SSC-Khaatumo’s recognition reach beyond Somali borders. The US and Israel’s interest in Somaliland was partly driven by its strategic location near the Gulf of Aden, across from Houthi-controlled Yemen. The area has become even more critical amid ongoing Red Sea disruptions by Yemen’s Ansar Allah, also known as the Houthis, in support of Palestine.
Israel reportedly explored plans to recognize Somaliland and even considered relocating displaced Palestinians from Gaza to the region—an idea Hashi described as “hugely unpopular and untenable.”
“Both Somalia and Somaliland’s populations are very pro-Palestinian,” he stressed. “No Somali territory is prepared to absorb such a refugee population, and such a move would spark widespread outrage.”
While Somaliland leaders have denied offering to take Gazan refugees, reports persist that some officials floated the idea in exchange for recognition from Washington. However, the Somali federal government, recognized by the United Nations and currently holding a seat on the UN Security Council, remains the key diplomatic gatekeeper.
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has offered the US access to Somali airbases and ports, including Berbera—previously considered Somaliland’s bargaining chip. “The US doesn’t need to recognize Somaliland to expand its military presence,” said Hashi. “The federal government controls the recognized borders, and Mogadishu holds the authority.”
The UAE, a staunch backer of Somaliland’s secession bid, has invested heavily in lobbying for its recognition while building economic leverage through port deals in Somaliland and Puntland. Meanwhile, Turkey, a strong supporter of Somalia’s federal government, opposes Somaliland’s independence and manages key infrastructure in Mogadishu, including its airport and seaport.
“The UAE and Turkey are engaged in a proxy battle over Somalia’s future,” Hashi explained. “The UAE arms militias in Somaliland, Puntland, and Jubaland, while Turkey supports the federal army.”
Decades of foreign intervention
This foreign competition has deepened Somalia’s internal fractures. The UAE has bypassed the federal government in signing port management deals through DP World, ensuring control over Berbera and Bosaso. Satellite imagery has even confirmed the deployment of Israeli radar systems near UAE-run facilities in Bosaso, underlining the growing military stakes.
Somalia’s political fragility has long been shaped by foreign intervention. The 2006 US-backed Ethiopian invasion that toppled the Islamic Courts Union unleashed instability that gave rise to al-Shabaab. According to Brown University’s Costs of War Project, US policy has largely failed to restore stability despite spending over $2.5 billion to fight the insurgency.
“The so-called peacekeeping missions have been ineffective, often acting in self-preservation,” said Hashi. “Some peacekeepers have even been caught selling weapons on the black market.”
With SSC-Khaatumo now formally part of Somalia, the federal government seeks to consolidate authority while balancing foreign interests.
“Somalia’s geostrategic location makes it a target for global powers,” Hashi noted. “But unity is essential for sovereignty. Without it, Somalia remains vulnerable to external manipulation.”
As rival powers continue to vie for influence across the Horn of Africa, the recognition of SSC-Khaatumo marks a significant moment—not only for Somalia’s internal politics but also for the balance of power in one of the world’s most strategically contested regions.
This article is a shortened summary of the original article written by Ann Garrison, published on Black Agenda Report. Ann Garrison is a Black Agenda Report Contributing Editor based in the San Francisco Bay Area. In 2014, she received the Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza Democracy and Peace Prize for her reporting on conflict in the African Great Lakes region. She can be reached at [email protected]. You can help support her work on Patreon .
