MOGADISHU, Somalia – Yemen’s Ansar Allah, also known as the Houthis, has significantly expanded cooperation with Somalia’s extremist groups, al-Shabab and the Islamic State in Somalia (ISS).
Despite ideological differences—Ansar Allah being a Shiite group, al-Shabab linked to al-Qaeda, and ISS affiliated with the Islamic State group—their shared hostility toward the United States and Israel, as well as pragmatic needs such as securing weaponry and revenue streams, underpin their collaboration.
These relationships have critical implications for regional maritime security, particularly in the strategic Gulf of Aden and Bab al-Mandab Strait.
Somalia’s geographical proximity and extensive coastlines offer Ansar Allah strategic advantages for arms smuggling and maritime operations.
Yemen historically maintained close ties with Somalia, facilitating migration, cultural exchange, and trade. In 2023 alone, nearly 97,000 migrants crossed from Somalia to Yemen through trafficking networks.
The arms trade plays a central role in these alliances. Despite a UN arms embargo on Yemen, Iran secretly supplies weapons to Ansar Allah.
Between 2015 and 2023, coalition warships intercepted sixteen vessels bound for Yemen carrying Iranian-supplied weapons, including thousands of small arms, anti-tank missiles, and millions of rounds of ammunition.
Some of these arms ended up in Somalia, illustrating transnational smuggling links.
Iran has long viewed the Horn of Africa as strategically significant, intensifying regional engagement since the late 1980s through the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).
Tehran previously backed Sudan’s Omar al-Bashir, supported Somalia’s Islamic Courts Union in 2006, and sought a military presence in Eritrea.
These efforts aimed to break Iran’s isolation, extend influence, and develop smuggling networks to support proxies like Ansar Allah.
Expanding collaborations
Ansar Allah’s collaboration with Somali militants accelerated from 2016 onwards, especially during the 2023 Gaza conflict. Ansar Allah’s leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, explicitly endorsed maritime disruptions to support Gaza and oppose Western influence in Africa.
In 2024, the U.S. reported intensified collaboration between Ansar Allah and al-Shabab. The groups reportedly agreed that Ansar Allah would provide al-Shabab with arms and expertise in exchange for increased piracy and ransom attacks near Somalia.
Given al-Shabab’s historical relationship with Somali pirates, the partnership enhanced both parties’ capabilities.
Iran’s ties to al-Shabab date back several years, notably allowing the group to bypass UN sanctions via Iranian ports to export charcoal and allegedly providing funding and weapons to target U.S. interests in East Africa. Somali analyst Guled Ahmed states, “Iran is at the epicenter of all of this.”
Ansar Allah’s ties with ISS deepened around 2021, initially focused on small arms smuggling.
Between November 2023 and May 2024, Ansar Allah reportedly dispatched representatives to northeastern Somalia to coordinate intelligence and geolocation of ships, exchanging this for short-range suicide drones and technical training.
Puntland security forces seized five such drones supplied by Ansar Allah in August 2024, arresting individuals connected to ISS and al-Shabab. ISS subsequently launched drone attacks on Puntland forces in January 2025.
Despite sectarian differences, Ansar Allah maintains pragmatic relationships with Sunni jihadist groups, similar to its previous collaboration with al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). Such pragmatism facilitates arms trading, prisoner exchanges, and mutual logistical support.
Regional and strategic implications
The partnerships between Ansar Allah, al-Shabab, and ISS amplify regional instability and maritime insecurity.
These alliances have complicated international efforts to interdict illicit arms shipments. Smuggling routes frequently involve larger ships traveling from Iran through Kenyan or Tanzanian waters before offloading cargo to smaller boats from Somalia bound for Yemen’s coast.
These non-state actors mutually benefit by accessing advanced weaponry, particularly Iranian drones and missile systems.
Ansar Allah, benefiting from Somali coastlines, ensures continuous supplies of Iranian and Chinese equipment crucial for its missile and drone programs. Key smuggling hubs include Puntland’s Bosaso port and Somaliland’s Berbera port.
Ansar Allah’s leader, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, expressed plans to extend maritime operations further into the Indian Ocean, hinting at expanded proxy attacks.
During recent conflicts like the Gaza war, Ansar Allah coordinated maritime disruptions with Somali pirates and extremist groups, increasing Iran’s leverage over critical trade routes.
Iran strategically benefits from increasing its reach and influence in the Horn of Africa, especially through Ansar Allah’s maritime capabilities. This bolsters Tehran’s position vis-à-vis rivals, including the United States, Gulf states, and Israel.
