Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Xildhibaannada Labada Gole ee Baarlamaanka ayaa galaya fasax dheer, iyadoo haatan dalka uu ku jiro marxalad siyaasadeed oo aad u cakiran, taas oo ka dhalatay hannaanka doorashooyinka iyo wax ka beddelka dastuurka KMG ah.
Guddoonka Labada Gole oo bayaan soo saaray ayaa ku dhowaaqay in Kafadhiga lixaad ee Baaralamaanka lasoo xiri doono beri oo Axad ah, kuna beegan 22-ka bisha June, waxayna qoraalkooda ku caddeeyeen in xildhibaannada iyo senatorada ay geli doonaan fasax laba bil ah.
Sidoo kale, waxaa isla qoraalka lagu sheegay in Baarlamaanka uu dib isugu soo noqon doonaan 22-ka bisha Agoosto ee sanadkan, markaas oo dib loo sii amba qaadi doono shaqooyinka horyaalla.
“Guddoonka Labada Aqal ee BJFS iyaga oo gudanayo waajibaadka Dastuuriga ah waxay go’aamiyeen in Kalfadiga 6aad ee baarlamaanka 11aad uu xirmayo taariikh 22-ka Juun 2025, dibna u furmo 22-ka Agoosto 2025” ayaa lagu yiri qoraalka labada guddoomiye.
Sidoo kale, xildhibaannada ayaa looga mahadceliyay shaqooyinka ay qabteen Kalfadhigaan, waxaana loo rajeeyay inay nabad iyo caafimaad ku dhameeyaan shaqooyinka u haray.
Fasaxa Baarlamaanka ayaa kusoo aaday, xilli haatan ay jirto xiisad ka dhalatay hannaanka doorashooyinka oo ay isku hayaan Villa Soomaaliya, mucaaradka iyo qaar kamid ah maamul goboleedyada dalka, taas oo xittaa saameysay kulamadii xubnaha labada Gole.
Inta badan xildhibaannada ayaa ku milmay siyaasadaha is-diidan, taas oo keentay in kooram la’aan u baaqdaan saddexdii kulan ee ugu dambeysay ee Baarlamaanka.
Soomaaliya ayaa haatan ku jirto marxalad adag, waxaana soconayo shirar siyaasadeed oo looga arrinsanayo xiisadda taagan kuwaas oo ay leeyihiin Villa Soomaaliya iyo mucaaradka.
Si kastaba, Baarlamaanka oo dib isugu laaban doono laba bilood kadib ayaa la filayaa inuu go’aanno ka gaaro shuruuc muhiim u ah doorashooyinka iyo dhameystirka Dastuurka.
Addis-Ababa (Caasimada Online) — Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya, Abiy Axmed, oo mar loo arkayay inuu yahay isbeddel-doon iyo xasiliyaha gobolka, ayaa hadda wajahaya dhaleecayn sii kordhaysa oo la xiriirta siyaasaddiisa arrimaha dibadda ee Badda Cas iyo Geeska Afrika, taasoo ah mid dhiirranaan leh balse sii kordhinaysa qalalaasaha. Falanqeeyayaashu Itoobiya waxay ka digayaan in siyaasaddani ay wiiqday saamayntii Itoobiya, kana soocday dunida inteeda kale diblomaasiyad ahaan, isla markaana ay halis gelisay danaha asaasiga ah ee qaranka.
Tan iyo markii uu xukunka la wareegay sannadkii 2018-kii, Abiy waxa uu dib u qaabeeyey xaaladda Itoobiya ee ah waddan aan bad lahayn, isagoo ku tilmaamay dhibaato “jiritaanka halis gelinaysa.” Ololihiisa gardarrada ah ee uu ku doonayo inuu ku helo marin badeed—oo si weyn uga duwan diblomaasiyaddii taxaddarka lahayd ee hoggaamiyeyaashii isaga ka horreeyay—ayaa kiciyey deriskiisa waxayna xiisadaha gobolka gaarsiiyeen heerkii ugu sarreeyay ee abid ugu halista badnaa.
“Baahida Itoobiya u qabto deked waa mid dhab ah,” ayuu yiri Surafel Getahun, oo ah falanqeeye arrimaha Geeska Afrika. “Laakiin sida uu Abiy u maray—oo ahayd tallaabooyin hal dhinac ah oo khatar badan iyo hadallo iska hor imaad kicinaya—waxay dalka ka dhigtay mid ka nugul oo ka go’doonsan sidii hore.”
Heshiis dib u dhac keenay: Is-afgaradkii Somaliland (MoU)
Tallaabadii ugu muranka badnayd waxay timid bishii Jannaayo 2024, markaasoo Itoobiya ay Is-afgarad (Memorandum of Understanding – MoU) la saxiixatay Somaliland—gobol iskiis madaxbannaani ugu dhawaaqay oo ka tirsan Soomaaliya. Heshiiskan, oo ay Itoobiya ku bixin lahayd aqoonsi suurtagal ah oo ay siinayso madaxbannaanida Somaliland, waxay ku helaysay kiro 20 kilomitir oo xeeb ah muddo 50 sano ah si ay uga dhisto saldhig ciidan badeed iyo inay hesho marin deked ganacsi.
Canbaaraynta ka dhalatay heshiiskaas waxay ahayd mid degdeg ah oo aad u daran.
Soomaaliya waxay heshiiska ku tilmaantay duullaan toos ah oo lagu qaaday madaxbannaanideeda, waxayna u yeeratay safiirkeedii, iyadoo arrinta horgeysay Midowga Afrika (African Union), Qaramada Midoobay (United Nations), iyo Ururka Jaamacadda Carabta (Arab League).
Midowga Afrika wuxuu ku celiyay taageeradiisa midnimada dhuleed ee Soomaaliya, halka Masar iyo dalalka Khaliijka, oo ka walaacsan dardarta sii kordhaysa ee Itoobiya, ay walaac ka muujiyeen saamaynta xasilooni-darrada ah ee uu heshiisku keeni karo.
“Intii uu furi lahaa fursado cusub, is-afgaradkii Somaliland wuxuu kiciyay duufaan diblomaasiyadeed,” ayuu yiri Getahun. “Wuxuu Itoobiya ka fogeeyay deris muhiim ah, wuxuu la kulmay cambaarayn ballaaran, mana u keenin wax faa’iido istiraatiiji ah oo cad.”
Halkii uu ka xoojin lahaa qadiyadda aqoonsi-raadinta ee Somaliland, heshiisku wuxuu daaha ka rogay go’doonkeeda. Dhanka kale, dedaalka Itoobiya ee ay ugu jirto helitaanka dekedo kale ayaa shaki geliyey Jabuuti—oo ah marinka ganacsigeeda ugu weyn—wuxuuna sababay in kormeerayaasha gobolka iyo kuwa caalamkuba ay ka digaan halista colaad hor leh oo ka qaraxda Geeska Afrika.
Xiriirka sii xumaanaya ee Eritrea iyo Jabuuti
Heshiiskii nabadeed ee Abiy uu la galay Eritrea sannadkii 2018-kii, oo markii hore loo arkayay mid taariikhi ah, ayaa abuuray rajo ah in xiriirku caadi noqdo lana helo marin Badda Cas ah oo laga sii maro dekedaha Casab ama Massawa. Laakiin xiriirkaasi si dhakhso ah ayuu u xumaaday.
Faragelintii milateri ee Eritrea ee dagaalkii Tigray, oo ay garab kaga siisay ciidamada Itoobiya, ayaa dhalisay cambaarayn caalami ah waxayna sii dhaawacday sumcaddii caalamiga ahayd ee Itoobiya. Ciidamada Eritrea ayaa weli ku sugan meel u dhow xudduudda Itoobiya, rajadii laga qabay in dekedo laga helo ayaana hadda u muuqata mid aad u fog.
“Wixii ku bilowday nabad lagu mutaystay abaalmarinta Nobel waxay isu beddeshay culays istiraatiiji ah,” ayuu yiri Getahun. “Asmara weli kalsooni-darro weyn ayay qabtaa, rajadii Itoobiya ee dekedaha Eritrea gebi ahaanba way meesha ka baxday.”
Saamaynta ka dhalatay damaca Abiy ee Badda Cas ayaa dhaafsiisan Soomaaliya iyo Eritrea.
Jabuuti—oo hadda maamusha in ka badan 95% ganacsiga Itoobiya—waxaa ka shakisay dedaallada Itoobiya ee dhanka Somaliland. Jabuuti, oo ahaan jirtay saaxiib la isku halleyn karo, waxay bilowday inay kala duwato macaamiisheeda, iyadoo yaraynaysa ku tiirsanaanteeda xamuulka Itoobiya si ay uga gaashaamato hubanti la’aan siyaasadeed oo dheeraad ah.
Dalka Suudaan, dagaalka sokeeye wuxuu gebi ahaanba xiray jidkii Dekedda Port Sudan. In kasta oo aanay tani toos uga dhalan siyaasadda Itoobiya, haddana xasilooni-darradu waxay meesha ka saartay marin muhiim ah oo kale waxayna abuurtay khataro cusub oo dhinaca ammaanka ah oo ka jira xudduudda waqooyi-galbeed ee Itoobiya.
Gudaha dalka, ciidanka Itoobiya weli waa mid aad u fidsan oo daallan. Dagaalkii ba’naa ee Tigray, oo cunay awood milateri iyo mid siyaasadeed oo aad u weyn, waxaa xigay rabshado cusub oo ka qarxay deegaannada Amxaarada iyo Oromada.
“Itoobiya waxay la tacaalaysaa dabab badan oo gudaha ah iyadoo isku dayaysa inay awooddeeda dibadda ku muujiso—taasina waa khatar,” ayuu ka digay Getahun. “Waxay wiiqaysaa awoodda dalka uu gobolka ku hoggaamin karo ama uu ku difaaci karo danihiisa ballaaran.”
Doorkii soo jireenka ahaa ee Itoobiya ee ahaa tiirka amniga Geeska Afrika—oo ay ku jiraan hawlgallada la dagaallanka argagixisada ee Soomaaliya—ayaa hoos u dhacay. Qalalaasaha gudaha ayaa xaddiday awooddeeda ay kaga qayb qaadan karto hawlgallada nabad-ilaalinta ee dhinacyada badan leh ama dedaallada xasilinta gobolka.
Istaraatiijiyad iskeed isu wiiqaysa
Falanqeeyayaashu waxay ka digayaan in habka Abiy uu wiiqayo hadafyadii loo qorsheeyay inuu gaaro.
Go’doon diblomaasiyadeed: Siyaasadda gardarrada ah ee Itoobiya waxay ka fogaysay deris muhiim ah waxayna daciifisay codkeeda wada-xaajoodyada muhiimka ah—laga soo bilaabo wada-hadallada biyo-xireenka GERD ee Masar ilaa heshiisyada ganacsiga gobolka.
Xiisado sii kordhaya: Heshiisku wuxuu sare u qaaday xiisadda kala dhaxaysa Soomaaliya wuxuuna horseeday loollan cusub oo gobolka ah, iyadoo Masar iyo dalalka Khaliijku ay ka faa’iidaysanayaan khilaafaadka Itoobiya.
Culays milateri oo xad-dhaaf ah: Ballanqaadyada milateri ee jihooyin badan—gudaha iyo dibaddaba—ayaa daciifinaya awoodda Itoobiya ay si wax-ku-ool ah ugu maareyso khataraha.
Sumcad-xumo: Itoobiya, oo mar loo arkayay xasiliye gobolka, ayaa hadda si isa soo taraysa loogu arkaa inay tahay awood xasilooni-darro wadda oo ka baxsan xeerarka caalamiga ah.
“Itoobiya waxay bixinaysaa qiime sare oo ku wajahan istaraatiijiyad loogu talagalay in lagu sugo mustaqbalkeeda,” ayuu yiri Getahun. “Intii ay ballaarin lahayd saamaynteeda, way wiiqday.”
Maamulladii hore ee Itoobiya—in kasta oo ay si isku mid ah uga warqabeen baahida loo qabo dekedaha—waxay doorteen habab taxaddar badan. Waxay ka shaqeeyeen hay’adaha gobolka sida Midowga Afrika (AU) iyo Urur-goboleedka IGAD, waxay xiriir deggan la lahaayeen Jabuuti, waxayna raadinayeen guulo aayar-socod ah oo aan buuq lahayn halkii ay ka raadin lahaayeen heshiisyo waaweyn oo warbaahinta qabsada.
“Digniino kama dambays ah iyo keli-talisnimo ayaa astaan u ah siyaasadda Abiy,” ayuu yiri Getahun. “Laakiin iyadoo dalku wajahayo xasilooni-darro gudaha ah oo qoto dheer, tani waa xilligii loo baahnaa diblomaasiyad, ee aan loo baahnayn qarka-saarnaan.”
Gunaanad: Qaran ku dhex lumay biyo qallafsan
Istaraatiijiyadda Badda Cas ee Itoobiya ee uu hoggaamiyo Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Axmed waxay noqotay tusaale muujinaya xad-gudub. Waxa ku billaabatay isku-day geesinimo leh oo lagu xallinayo caqabad qaran oo muhiim ah, waxay dad badan isku raacsan yihiin inay dalka gelisay xaalad ka sii halis badan.
“Hirarka istiraatiijiga ah ee Badda Cas waa kuwo qallafsan,” ayuu kusoo gabagabeeyay Getahun. “Itoobiyana, hagidda ay hadda ku socoto, waxay halis ugu jirtaa inay ka sii fogaato badqabka—kuna sii dhacdo dhibaato qoto dheer.”
Falanqeeyayaashu waxay sheegayaan in dib u hanashada saamayntii luntay ay u baahan tahay in lagu laabto diblomaasiyadda dhinacyada badan leh, dib-u-habeyn lagu sameeyo xiriirka deriska, iyo in diiradda la saaro midnimada gudaha. Haddii aan isbeddelkaasi la samayn, qaranku wuxuu isku arki karaa isagoon deked lahayn oo keliya, balse sidoo kale aan lahayn jiheeye.
Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Fal-celin xooggan iyo hadal-heyn ayaa ka dhalatay shirka loo ballansan yahay ee ay dhowaan yeelan doonaan Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya Mudane Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud iyo xubnaha mucaaradka dalka, kaas oo kusoo aaday xilli xasaasi ah oo ay taagan tahay xiisada ka dhalatay hannaanka doorashooyinka 2026.
Siyaasiyiinta mucaaradka oo intooda badan kusoo laabtay magaalada Muqdisho ayaa mabda’a ahaan isku raacay inay la kulmaan Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, kadib dalab ka yimid Villa Somalia, sida ilo xog ogaal ah ay Caasimada Online u xaqiijiyeen.
Sidoo kale waxaa la sheegay in kulan kale dhexdooda ah uu u dhiman yahay, si ay uga tashadaan waqtiga munaasibka ah ee Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh ay la kulmayaan iyo xubnaha matali doona mucaaradka.
Xubnahan ayaa hiray si cad u diiday inay ka qeybgalaan gogoshii uu fidiyey Madaxweynaha ee lagu qabtay Muqdisho, ugu dambeyntiina laga soo saaray war-murtiyeed rasmi ah.
Haddaba,Maxaa laga filan karaa shirka Xasan iyo Mucaaradka ee loo ballansan yahay?
Qaar kamid ah dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed ee isticmaalaha baraha bulshada ayaa siyaabo kala duwan uga hadlay shirka lagu wado inuu dhex-maro Villa Soomaaliya iyo mucaaradka, waxayna raji wanaagsan ka muujiyeen in lagu gaari doono heshiis ku aadan doorashooyinka.
Cabdullahi Siidhii: “Ilaahey guul haku dhammeeyo qof iyo cod siiba in ay nucaaradku aqbalaan”.
Tel Aviv (Caasimada Online) – Sida lagu sheegay qiyaaso hordhac ah, iska horimaadka Israa’iil ay kula jirto Iiraan ayaa dalkaas ugu kacaya boqollaal milyan oo dollar maalintii, waana kharash xaddidi kara awoodda ay Israa’iil u leedahay inay gasho dagaal muddo dheer socda.
Sida ay khubaradu sheegeen, qeybta ugu weyn ee kharashkan ayaa ah gantaallada difaaca cirka ee loo adeegsado burburinta kuwa ay soo riday Iiraan, kuwaas oo keligood ku kici kara inta u dhaxeysa tobanaan milyan ilaa $200 oo milyan maalintii. Waxaa sidoo kale kharashkaas qeyb ka ah rasaasta iyo diyaaradaha dagaalka, waxaana intaas dheer burbur baaxad leh oo soo gaaray dhismayaasha. Qiyaasaha qaar ayaa tilmaamaya in dib-u-dhiska iyo dayactirka burburka uu Israa’iil ugu kici karo ugu yaraan $400 milyan.
Saraakiisha Israa’iil ayaa sheegay in howlgalkan cusub uu socon karo labo toddobaad, halka Ra’iisul Wasaaraha, Benjamin Netanyahu, uusan muujin wax astaan ah oo uu ku joojinayo dagaalka ilaa ay Israa’iil ka xaqiijiso dhammaan hadafyadeeda. Hadafyadaas waxaa ka mid ah ciribtirka barnaamijka Nukliyeerka Iiraan, iyo sidoo kale awooddeeda soo saarista iyo keydka gantaallada baallistikada ah. Hase yeeshee, dagaalku waa mid kharash badan.
“Arrinta ugu weyn ee sida dhabta ah u go’aamin doonta kharashka dagaalka waa muddada uu soconayo,” ayay tiri Karnit Flug, guddoomiyihii hore ee Bankiga Israa’iil, haddana ah khabiir sare oo ka tirsan machadka fikirka ee Israel Democracy Institute. Flug waxay sheegtay inay aaminsan tahay in dhaqaalaha Israa’iil uu u adkeysan karo olole kooban. “Haddii uu socdo toddobaad, waa arrin,” ayay tiri. “Laakiin haddii uu gaaro labo toddobaad ama bil, markaas waa sheeko aad u kala duwan.”
Maalmihii la soo dhaafay, Iiraan waxay in ka badan 400 oo gantaal ku soo riday Israa’iil, sida ay sheegtay dowladda Israa’iil, kuwaasoo u baahan habab difaac cirka oo casri ah si loo joojiyo. Gantaallo badan waxay inta badan ka dhigan yihiin kharash badan oo ku baxa difaaca.
Nidaamka David’s Sling, oo ay si wadajir ah u horumariyeen Israa’iil iyo Mareykanka, wuxuu soo ridi karaa gantaallada riddada dhow ilaa kuwa fog, diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn (drones), iyo diyaaradaha kale. Wuxuu ku kacayaa qiyaastii $700,000 mar kasta oo la hawlgeliyo, iyadoo la adeegsanayo labo gantaal oo difaac ah, taasoo ah tirada ugu yar ee sida caadiga ah la rido, sida uu sheegay Yehoshua Kalisky, cilmi-baare sare oo ka tirsan Machadka Daraasaadka Amniga Qaranka (Institute for National Security Studies) ee fadhigiisu yahay Tel Aviv.
Arrow 3, nidaam kale oo la adeegsanayo, wuxuu difaac ka yahay gantaallada baallistikada ah ee riddada dheer, kuwaas oo gaara meel ka baxsan dulka sare ee dhulka, wuxuuna ku kacayaa qiyaastii $4 milyan halkii gantaal ee la iska celiyo, sida uu sheegay Kalisky. Nooc ka duugsan oo loo yaqaan Arrow 2, wuxuu ku kacayaa qiyaastii $3 milyan halkii gantaal.
Kharashyada kale ee milateri waxaa ka mid ah qiimaha tobannaan diyaaradood oo dagaal, sida F-35, oo saacado badan ku jira hawada meel u jirta ilaa 1,000 mayl dhulka Israa’iil. Diyaarad kasta waxay saacaddii duulimaadka ku kacdaa qiyaastii $10,000, sida uu sheegay Kalisky. Sidoo kale, waa in lagu xisaabtamaa kharashka shidaal ku shubidda diyaaradaha iyo rasaasta, oo ay ku jiraan bambooyinka noocyadoodu yihiin JDAMs iyo MK84s.
“‘Maalin kasta, aad ayuu uga kharash badan yahay dagaalka Gaza ama kan Xisbullah. Farqiga oo dhanna wuxuu ka imaanayaa rasaasta, ha noqoto tan difaaca ama tan weerarka. Taasi waa kharashka ugu ballaaran,'” ayuu yiri Zvi Eckstein, oo madax ka ah Machadka Aaron ee Siyaasadda Dhaqaalaha ee Jaamacadda Reichman ee Israa’iil.
Sida lagu sheegay qiyaas uu sameeyay machadku, dagaal bil socda oo lala galo Iiraan wuxuu ku kici doonaa qiyaastii $12 bilyan.
Kharashka milateri ee Israa’iil ayaa kordhay tan iyo markii uu dagaalku bilowday, haddana dhaqaaleyahannadu ma saadaalinayaan hoos u dhac dhaqaale xilligan, ayuu yiri Eckstein. Qeybo badan oo ka mid ah dhaqaalaha Israa’iil ayaa hakad galay maalmihii la soo dhaafay sababo la xiriira weerarada Iiraan. Waxaa shaqada loo yeeray oo keliya shaqaalaha ka shaqeeya warshadaha nolosha muhiimka u ah, waxaana la xiray ganacsiyo badan sida maqaayadaha. Garoonka ugu weyn ee caalamiga ah ee dalka ayaa xirnaa dhowr maalmood, balse hadda waxaa loo furay duulimaadyo kooban oo dalka kusoo celinaya dadkii dibedda ku xayirnaa.
Isniintii, hay’adda qiimeynta ee S&P ayaa soo saartay falanqeyn ku saabsan khatarta ka dhalan karta xiisadda Israa’iil iyo Iiraan, laakiin ma aysan beddelin aragtideeda ku aaddan qiimeynta deynta dalkaas. Suuqyada Israa’iil ayaa Arbacadii gaaray heerkii ugu sarreeyay abid, iyagoo sii waday inay ka hormaraan jaangooyooyinka suuqyada Mareykanka inkastoo ay jirto colaadda Iiraan, taasoo muujineysa rajo ah in dagaalku ku dhammaan doono guul ay gaarto Israa’iil. Dhaqaaleyahannada qaar ayaa sheegaya in suuqyadu ay u muuqdaan inay aaminsan yihiin in dhaqaalaha Israa’iil uu muujin doono adkeysi, sidii uu sameeyay 20-kii bilood ee dagaalka Gaza uu socday.
Hase ahaatee, burburka ka dhashay weerarada gantaallada Iiraan ayaa noqon doona mid isbiirsada. Injineeradu waxay sheegeen in burburka ay geysteen gantaalaha waaweyn ee baallistikada ahi uusan ahayn mid ay arkeen tobannaankii sano ee dagaalladii hore ee Israa’iil. “Boqollaal dhisme ayaa gebi ahaanba burburay ama si weyn u waxyeelloobay, waxayna ku kici doonaan boqollaal milyan oo dollar si dib loogu dhiso ama loo dayactiro,” ayuu yiri Eyal Shalev, oo ah injineer dhisme oo loo xilsaaray qiimeynta burburka soo gaaray kaabayaasha rayidka.
Shalev wuxuu ku qiyaasay inay ku kici doonto ugu yaraan tobanaan milyan oo dollar dayactirka hal dhisme oo kuwa dhaadheer ah oo dhowaan laga dhisay bartamaha Tel Aviv, kaasoo ay saameeyeen duqeymuhu.
In ka badan 5,000 oo qof ayaa guryahooda laga daadgureeyay sababo la xiriira burburka gantaallada, qaar ka mid ahna waxaa la dejiyay hoteello ay dowladda kharashkooda bixineyso, sida ay sheegtay Agaasinka Qaran ee Diblomaasiyadda Dadweynaha ee Israa’iil (Israel’s National Public Diplomacy Directorate).
Welwelka ugu weyn ee Israa’iil wuxuu ahaa bartilmaameedsiga kaabayaasha aas-aasiga ah ee dalka. Laba weerar oo lagu qaaday warshadda saliidda ee ugu weyn Israa’iil ee waqooyiga dalka ayaa horseeday in la xiro, waxaana ku dhintay saddex ka mid ah shaqaalaha warshadda. Shaqaalaha qaarkood ee ka shaqeeya warshadaha xasaasiga ah ama muhiimka ah ayaa lagu amray maalmihii la soo dhaafay inaysan shaqada imaan, sida uu sheegay Dror Litvak, agaasimaha guud ee ManpowerGroup Israel, oo dalka ka shaqaaleysiiya in ka badan 12,000 oo qof.
Arbacadii, Taliska Difaaca Gudaha ee Israa’iil ayaa sheegay inay qeyb ahaan qaadi doonaan xayiraadda isku imaatinka—iyagoo oggolaanaya ilaa 30 qof inay isugu yimaadaan—iyo in goobaha shaqada ee dalka intiisa badan dib loo furi karo illaa iyo inta ay jirto gabbaad u dhow.
Laakiin iyadoo dugsiyadii weli xiran yihiin, waalidiin badan ayaa la daalaa dhacaya sidii ay isugu dheellitiri lahaayeen shaqada guriga laga wado iyo maaweelinta carruurtooda, xilli uu socdo olole kale oo milateri.
Ariel Markose, oo 38 jir ah, ahna madaxa istiraatiijiyadda ee hay’ad aan faa’iido doon ahayn oo Israa’iil ah, ayaa hadda wicitaannadeeda shaqo ee subaxdii ka qabata beer ku taal Jerusalem halkaas oo ay dhowr saacadood la qaadato afarteeda carruur ee yaryar. Waxay guriga ku laabataa abbaare 4-ta galabnimo waxayna sii wadataa shaqada halka ninkeedu uu la wareegayo carruurta.
“Waxaa jira qoysas gebi ahaanba culayskan la burburaya,” ayay tiri.
Sawirro muujinaya burburka Israel ka soo gaaray dagaalka
Soomaaliya waxay mar kale taagan tahay isgoys taariikhi ah—mid xambaarsan rajo horumar, midnimo, iyo dib-u-habeyn dimuoraadi ah oo muddo dheer la haminayey. Baaqii uu Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud dhawaan ku dhawaaqay, oo ahaa in Muqdisho lagu qabto shir qaran oo loo dhan yahay, wuxuu dhigay bog cusub oo muhiim ah oo ku saabsan safarka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Ujeeddada saldhigga u ah hindisahan waa mid geesinimo leh: in la hirgeliyo nidaamka “hal qof, hal cod” si ugu dambeyn shacabka Soomaaliyeed dib ugu helaan awooddii ay ku dooran lahaayeen hoggaankooda, kaddib tobannaan sano oo siyaasadda ay xukumayeen nidaamyo qabaa’il iyo awood qaybsi lagu heshiiyey.
Bilowgii, hoggaamiyeyaal badan oo mucaarad ah ayaa si diirran u soo dhaweeyay hindisaha madaxweynaha—taas oo ahayd astaan muujinaysay rajo laga qabo in dalka u gudbo marxalad wadahadal miro dhal ah. Balse rajadaas waxay noqotay mid cimri gaaban. Dhowr maalmood gudahood, qaar ka mid ah hoggaamiyeyaashii ugu horreeyay ee taageeray hindisaha ayaa ka laabtay, diidayna inay ka qaybgalaan madashii furneyd ee loogu talagalay in lagu xalliyo welwelkooda siyaasadeed ee muddo dheer ay ka cabanayeen.
Su’aal la xiriirta mas’uuliyadda siyaasadeed?
Isbeddelkaas lama filaanka ah wuxuu keenayaa su’aalo culus: Haddii aysan hadda suurtagal ahayn, goorma ayay noqon doontaa? Haddii aan wadahadalka lagu xallin, sidee kale?
Muddo tobannaan sano ah, Soomaaliya waxay ku shaqaynaysay nidaamka 4.5 ee ku saleysan qabiilka, halkaas oo odayaal iyo kooxo siyaasadeed gaar ah ay si qarsoodi ah u magacaabi jireen xildhibaannada. Inkastoo nidaamkani uu gacan ka gaystay ilaalinta xasillooni dhismeed, haddana wuxuu hor istaagay kobaca dimoqraadiyadeed. Hadda oo dalka u jeestay dhanka cod-bixin dadweyne oo guud, xitaa haddii ay dhaliil leedahay, tallaabadaasi waxay ka turjumaysaa rabitaanka sii kordhaya ee shacabka Soomaaliyeed ay u qabaan in ay si toos ah u doortaan hoggaamiyeyaashooda.
Dabcan, tallaabooyinka uu qaaday madaxweynuhu—sida ansixinta dastuurka ku-meelgaarka ah ee wax laga beddelay iyo magacaabista Guddiga Doorashooyinka Qaranka—waxay kicisay cabashooyin. Qaar ayaa ku doodaya in arrimahan lagu dhaqaaqay iyadoo aan lala tashan dowlad-goboleedyada iyo daneeyayaasha kale ee muhiimka ah. Cabashooyinkaas waa sharci, waxaana mudan in si furan looga doodo. Laakiin maxay tahay madasha ka wanaagsan in lagaga doodo arrimahaas, haddii aysan ahayn shir qaran oo shacabka hortiisa ah?
Qeexidda sharciyadda mucaaradka
Iyadoo uu shirkii Muqdisho socday, arrin kale oo muran dhalisay ayaa soo baxday: qaar ka mid ah hoggaamiyeyaasha mucaaradka ee ka baaqday shirka waxay ku tilmaameen saaxiibadoodii hore—kuwa shirka ka qaybgalay—in aysan ahayn sharciyad. Waxay sheegeen in kuwa la fariistay madaxweynaha aysan ahayn daneeyayaal siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Tani waxay keeneysaa su’aalo degdeg ah: Yaa go’aamiya cidda daneeyaha ka ah geedi-socodka dowlad-dhiska Soomaaliya? Yaa siiyay dad gaar ah xuquuq gaar ah oo ay mucaaradka ugu matalaan?
Arrintani waa mid gaar ahaan walaac abuureysa sababtoo ah qaar badan oo kamid ah xubnaha ka qayb-galay shirka ayaa horay u garab taagnaa dadka hadda dhaleecaynaya—kuwaas oo ay ka mid yihiin kuwii isugu yimid kulankii Hotel Jazeera oo ay kasoo qayb galeen madaxweynayaashii hore, ra’iisul wasaareyaashii hore iyo musharraxiintii dhawaan tartanka ka qayb-galay.
Haddii shaqsiyaadkan loo aqoonsaday inay yihiin daneeyayaal muhiim ah markii ay ka qayb galeen kulankii Hotel Jazeera, maxay tahay sababta hadda qaar ka mid ah loogu diidayo xaqnimadooda oo ay ku waayeen kaliya inay doorteen wadahadal halkii ay go’doomin lahaayeen?
Kala-soocidda noocan ahi waxay dhaawac ku tahay midnimada mucaaradka, waxaana ay sidoo kale wiiqaysaa mabda’a aasaasiga ah ee siyaasadda isku-duubnida badan. Hoggaan dhab ah wuxuu soo dhoweyaa xeeladaha iyo dooddaha kala duwan; uma isticmaalo xaqnimada siyaasadeed si hub ahaan loogu dagaallamo.
Arrinta muhiimka ah ee laga hadlayaa waa su’aashan: Yaa si fiican ugu habboon inuu la xisaabtamo madaxweynaha—kuwa qolka gudihiisa jooga ee tooska ula hadlayaa, mise kuwa bannaanka ka daawanaya?
Haddii qaar ka shakisan yihiin in madaxweynuhu qorshe doorasho oo qarsoon ku daboolayo magaca doorasho dadweyne, habka ugu fiican ee looga hortegi karo waa in toos loo wajaho, lagula xisaabtamo, isla markaana lagu soo bandhigo fagaaraha wadahadalka—ma aha in la qaadaco goobta ay go’aannadu ka dhacayaan.
Wadahadalka ma ahan is-dhiibid
Waxaa muuqata in qaar kamid ah mucaaradku ay isku qasayaan wadahadalka iyo is-dhiibitaanka. Laakiin ka qaybgalka wadahadalka macnihiisu ma aha inaad taageertay go’aammada dowladda—ee waa inaad booskaaga miiska ka qaadato, codkaagana u isticmaasho inaad saamayn ku yeelato natiijada. Marka ay wadahadalka isaga baxaan, hoggaamiyayaasha qaarkood ee mucaaradku waxay luminayaan saamayntooda, mana xoojinayaan.
Maqnaashahoodu wuxuu sii muuqanayaa marka la eego xubno kale oo mucaarad ah—kuwaas oo geesi ah isla markaana siyaasad ahaan qaangaaray—kuwaas oo fadhiyay hoolka shirarka ee Muqdisho, si toos ahna ula hadlay madaxweynaha, isla markaana soo bandhigay aragtidooda mustaqbalka Soomaaliya. Dadkani waxay fahmeen in mucaarad dhab ah ay tahay in xalal kale la keeno, mana aha in wadahadalka laga fogaado.
Sida Nelson Mandela mar uu yiri: “Haddii aad rabto inaad nabad la samayso cadowgaaga, waa inaad la shaqaysaa cadowgaaga, dabadeed wuxuu noqonayaa saaxiibkaaga.” Soomaaliya uma baahna cadow badan, waxay u baahan tahay shuraako dalka dhisa.
Dadka Soomaaliyeed way la socdaan
Yaan la yaraysan heerka wacyiga siyaasadeed ee uu gaaray shacabka Soomaaliyeed. Kaddib sannado dagaal, barakac iyo ka saarid siyaasadeed, hadda waxay doonayaan in ay cod ku yeeshaan mustaqbalkooda. Cod-bixintu uma aha oo keliya fal siyaasadeed—ee waa astaan muujinaysa sharaf, ka mid ahaansho iyo rajo.
Iyadoo la diidayo wadahadalka, hoggaamiyeyaasha mucaarad ah ayaa shacabka ka diidaya fursadda ay ku arki lahaayeen mas’uuliyad siyaasadeed oo ficil ahaan u dhacaysa. Soomaaliya waxay u baahan tahay geedi socod hufan, halkaas oo hoggaamiyayaasha si furan loogu xisaabtami karo—ma aha oo keliya shir jaraa’id iyo qoraallo baraha bulshada lagu soo bandhigo.
Sida ay Soomaalidu ku maahmaahdo: “Nin aan talin jirin, tuug baa u talin jirtay.”
Dadka Soomaaliyeed waxay doonayaan inay soo ceshtaan xaqooda ah inay go’aamiyaan—doorasho, diidmo iyo inay dalbadaan wax ka fiican.
Hoggaamiyayaasha isaga baxa nidaamkan waxay halis ugu jiraan inay ka harayaan dadkii ay sheeganayeen inay matalaan. Diidistoodu waxay sidoo kale diraysaa fariin dhaawac leh: taasoo ah inay wali door-bidayaan geeddi-socodka shisheeye ee Xalane halkii ay ka doorbidi lahaayeen wadahadal Soomaaliyeed oo Muqdisho lagu qabto—oo fool-ka-fool loola kulmayo madaxweynaha iyo shacabka, kuna dhacaya si xor ah, oo aan cadaadis ama dhex-dhexaadin shisheeye ku jirin.
Aragtidan waxay muujinaysaa ku tiirsanaan joogto ah oo ku saabsan faragelinta shisheeye iyo kalsooni darro ka muuqata awoodda dadka Soomaaliyeed inay arrimahooda xalliyaan. Halkii ay ka faa’iideysan lahaayeen fursaddan ay miiska ku fariisan lahaayeen, waxay dib u dhigayaan xal dhab ah oo Soomaaliyeed—waxayna ku dheggan yihiin nidaam hore oo ku dhisan kaalmada dibadda, howlgalka Qaramada Midoobay, iyo ilaalinta Cutubka Toddobaad oo ah nidaamkii siyaasiyiinta loogu quudin jiray siyaasadda, waxaana laguna curyaamin jiray hal-abuurka Soomaalida.
Gunaanad
Dimoqraadiyadda laguma dhiso hal maalin, cidina kama filayso in Soomaaliya ay si fudud uga gudubto arrimahan. Laakiin inaad ka baxdo goobta ay yaalliin fursadaha isbeddelka—iyadoo xubno kale oo dhinacaaga ah ay doorteen inay sii joogaan oo u dagaallamaan xuquuqda shacabka—ma aha xeelad siyaasadeed, waa is-dhiibid siyaasadeed.
Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya wuxuu ku xiranyahay hoggaamiyeyaal yimaada, codkooda soo bandhiga, oo u istaaga horumarka. Su’aashuna waxay tahay: yaa lagu xusuusan doonaa inuu qayb ka ahaa mustaqbalkaas?
Waxaa English ku qoray Mohamed Dhugad, waxaa tarjumay bahda Caasimada Online
AFEEF: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada [email protected]Mahadsanid.
Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa soo bandhigtay muuqaal naadir ah oo laga duubay howlgalkii duqeynta ahaa ee shalay ka dhacay degmada Aadan-Yabaal ee gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe, halkaas oo lagu laayey xubno badan oo Khawaarijta Al-Shabaab ka tirsanaa.
Muuqaalka ayaa muujinaya in la beegsaday guri uu deganaa sarkaal ka tirsan Al-Shabaab oo lagu magacaabo Xasan Nuur, kaas oo ku yaalla xaafadda Waaberi ee degmada Aadan-Yabaal, Telefishinka Qaranka ayaa soo bandhigay muuqaal toos ah oo diyaaraddu duubtay, kaas oo sharaxaadiisa wata.
Inta aan la duqeyn guriga, basaasiin u shaqeeya dowladda oo kooxda ku dhex-jira ayaa guriga dhexdiisa ka soo duubay muuqaalka gaari Beebe ah oo kooxda Al-Shabaab ay dowladda horay uga furteen iyo wajiga mid kamid ah saraakiishii la dilay oo la aqoonsaday.
Horjoogayaashaan ayaa ka soo muuqanaya goobta daqiiqado yar ka hor inta aan la duqeyn guriga, iyagoo weliba is qarinaya, basle daawanaya qaabka loo baakimayo gaariga Beebaha ah oo lagu qarinayo gudaha guriga la beegsaday.
Gurigaan in saraakiil sare oo Shabaab ah ay joogeen waxaa u dheer inuu ahaa goob lagu keydiyo saanadda ciidanka, laguna abaabulo maleeshiyaadka kooxda, sida lagu soo bandhigay warbixintaan xasaasiga ah ee muuqaalka ah.
Hay’adda NISA ayaa fulisay duqeyntaan, waxaana lagu dilay 12 xubnood oo ka tirsanaa Al-Shabaab, kuwaas oo la xaqiijiyey inuu ku jiraan horjooge Carabey oo ahaa madaxii gaadiidka Al-Shabaab ee goobaha ay dagaalladu ka socdaan iyo Mustaf Jareere oo qaabilsanaa sameynta gaadiidka ka ciladooba Al-Shabaab.
Waxaa jira xubno kale oo duqeyntaan ku dhaawacmay, kuwaas oo uu ku jiro Horjooge Xamsa Faracadde oo saadka iyo taakulada u qaabilsanaa Al-Shabaab. Iyadoo weli ay dowladdu wado xaqiijinta inay jiraan xubno kale oo muhiim ah oo duqeyntaas looga dilay kooxda.
MOGADISHU, Somalia – A coalition of Somali opposition leaders known as the Madasha Samata-bixinta (“Salvation Forum”) has agreed in principle to meet with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud following renewed outreach from Villa Somalia, multiple political sources told Caasimada Online.
The move marks a potential thaw in tensions between the federal government and the opposition bloc, which had previously boycotted a four-day national consultation conference hosted by the president in Mogadishu.
According to sources familiar with the discussions, the opposition leaders reached their preliminary agreement during a closed-door meeting late Friday at the residence of former president Sharif Sheikh Ahmed in Mogadishu. The talks followed the recent return of several Forum members to the capital after performing Hajj and spending the Eid holidays abroad.
A final internal consultation among Forum members is expected to take place in the coming days to determine the date, format, and delegation that will represent the opposition in the proposed talks with President Hassan Sheikh.
“They initially rejected the president’s invitation to the Mogadishu conference but are now open to direct dialogue,” a political insider told Caasimada Online on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter.
Former PM’s return expected to boost talks
Former Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke is expected to arrive in Mogadishu from Nairobi on Saturday, along with several other absent members of the Forum. Their presence is seen as essential to finalizing the opposition’s collective approach and strengthening their negotiating position.
The Forum’s agreement to engage with the president comes after weeks of political friction, during which they boycotted a widely publicized national conference aimed at resolving Somalia’s deepening political rifts. That summit, held earlier this month in Mogadishu, ended with an official communiqué but without the participation of key opposition figures.
Their absences were prompted by concerns over inclusivity, transparency, and the conference’s perceived failure to address core grievances related to power-sharing, electoral reforms, and federalism.
Somalia remains politically fragmented as it navigates a fragile transition toward stable governance. The federal government under President Hassan Sheikh, who returned to power in May 2022, has been under pressure to secure broad consensus among federal member states and political stakeholders, especially amid ongoing security threats from al-Shabaab insurgents and looming questions over constitutional reforms.
The Madasha Samata-bixinta comprises prominent former officials and political heavyweights, including past presidents and prime ministers. The bloc has emerged as one of the main sources of organized political opposition to the current administration, frequently calling for greater accountability, institutional balance, and clarity on election timelines.
Strategic dialogue ahead
With both sides appearing to recognize the need for dialogue, the upcoming meeting — if it materializes — could play a pivotal role in shaping Somalia’s political roadmap ahead of the next elections and ongoing national security reforms.
While no date has been publicly announced, insiders suggest the meeting could occur within the next week, depending on how quickly the Forum finalizes its internal deliberations.
President Hassan Sheikh has repeatedly expressed willingness to engage all stakeholders, including opposition groups, to advance Somalia’s political stability. His earlier calls for inclusive dialogue were met with mixed reactions but continue to serve as the foundation for potential reconciliation efforts.
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — Once seen as a reformist and regional stabilizer, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed now faces mounting criticism over a bold but increasingly fraught foreign policy in the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa — one that analysts warn has weakened Ethiopia’s influence, isolated it diplomatically, and put core national interests at risk.
Since coming to power in 2018, Abiy has reframed Ethiopia’s landlocked status as an “existential” crisis. His aggressive push for sea access—a dramatic departure from his predecessors’ cautious diplomacy—has unsettled neighbors and raised regional tensions to dangerous new heights.
“Ethiopia’s need for sea access is real,” said Surafel Getahun, a Horn of Africa analyst. “But the way Abiy has pursued it — through high-risk unilateral moves and confrontational rhetoric — has left the country more vulnerable and isolated than ever.”
A deal that backfired: The Somaliland MoU
The most controversial move came in January 2024, when Ethiopia signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland — a self-declared breakaway region of Somalia. In exchange for potential recognition of Somaliland’s independence, Ethiopia would lease 20 kilometers of coastline for 50 years to establish a naval base and gain commercial port access.
The backlash was immediate and severe.
Somalia condemned the deal as a direct assault on its sovereignty, recalled its ambassador, and brought the issue to the African Union, United Nations, and Arab League.
The AU reiterated its support for Somalia’s territorial integrity, while Egypt and Gulf states, wary of Ethiopia’s growing assertiveness, expressed concern over the destabilizing effect of the agreement.
“Instead of unlocking new opportunities, the Somaliland MoU has triggered a diplomatic firestorm,” said Getahun. “It alienated key neighbors, drew widespread condemnation, and yielded no clear strategic gain.”
Rather than bolstering Somaliland’s case for recognition, the deal exposed its isolation. Meanwhile, Ethiopia’s pursuit of alternative port access sparked suspicion in Djibouti — its primary trade gateway — and drew warnings from regional and international observers about the risk of renewed conflict in the Horn.
Fraying ties with Eritrea and Djibouti
Once hailed as a historic breakthrough, Abiy’s 2018 peace agreement with Eritrea initially raised hopes for normalized ties and potential Red Sea access via Assab or Massawa. But the relationship quickly soured.
Eritrea’s military involvement in the Tigray war alongside Ethiopian forces drew global condemnation and further strained Ethiopia’s international standing. Eritrean troops remain deployed near the Ethiopian border, and the prospect of port access now appears more remote than ever.
“What started as a Nobel-winning peace turned into a strategic liability,” said Getahun. “Asmara remains deeply distrustful, and Ethiopia’s hopes for Eritrean ports have all but evaporated.”
The fallout from Abiy’s Red Sea ambitions has extended beyond Somalia and Eritrea.
Djibouti — which currently handles over 95% of Ethiopia’s trade — was unsettled by Ethiopia’s overtures to Somaliland. Once a reliable partner, Djibouti has started diversifying its client base, reducing its dependence on Ethiopian cargo and hedging against further geopolitical uncertainty.
In Sudan, civil war has effectively closed the Port Sudan route. While not directly resulting from Ethiopian policy, the instability has removed a key alternative and created new security risks on Ethiopia’s northwestern border.
Kenya remains a relatively stable partner but plays a limited role in Ethiopia’s maritime access, focusing on Indian Ocean ports like Mombasa and Lamu.
Domestic instability and security overreach
At home, Ethiopia’s military remains stretched thin. The devastating Tigray conflict, which consumed enormous military and political capital, was followed by renewed violence in the Amhara and Oromia regions.
“Ethiopia is fighting multiple fires internally while trying to project power externally — that’s dangerous,” warned Getahun. “It weakens the country’s ability to lead regionally or defend its broader interests.”
Ethiopia’s traditional role as a security anchor in the Horn — including counterterrorism operations in Somalia — has eroded. Internal unrest has limited its capacity to participate in multilateral peacekeeping or regional stabilization efforts.
A strategy that undermines itself
Analysts warn that Abiy’s approach is undercutting the very objectives it was meant to achieve.
Diplomatic Isolation: Ethiopia’s aggressive posture has alienated key neighbors and weakened its voice in critical negotiations — from GERD talks with Egypt to regional trade deals.
Economic Vulnerability: The Somaliland MoU has failed to yield access while damaging relations with Djibouti, Ethiopia’s current lifeline. Any disruption in Djibouti could prove catastrophic.
Rising Tensions: The deal has escalated tensions with Somalia and invited new forms of regional competition, with Egypt and Gulf actors exploiting Ethiopia’s rifts.
Security Overstretch: Military commitments across multiple fronts — domestic and external — are diluting Ethiopia’s capacity to manage risks effectively.
Eroded Credibility: Once seen as a regional stabilizer, Ethiopia is increasingly viewed as a destabilizing force outside multilateral norms.
“Ethiopia is paying a high price for a strategy meant to secure its future,” said Getahun. “Instead of expanding its influence, it has compromised it.”
Previous Ethiopian administrations — though equally aware of the need for port diversification — opted for more cautious approaches. They worked through regional bodies like the AU and IGAD, maintained stable ties with Djibouti, and pursued quiet, incremental gains rather than headline-grabbing deals.
“Ultimatums and unilateralism mark Abiy’s policy,” Getahun said. “But with the country facing deep internal instability, this is precisely the moment when diplomacy, not brinkmanship, is needed.”
Conclusion: A nation adrift in treacherous waters
Ethiopia’s Red Sea strategy under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has become a case study in overreach. What began as a bold attempt to solve a critical national challenge has, by many accounts, left the country in a more precarious position.
“The Red Sea’s strategic currents are treacherous,” Getahun concluded. “And Ethiopia, under its current navigation, risks drifting further from safety — and deeper into crisis.”
Analysts say reclaiming lost ground will require a return to multilateral diplomacy, a reset with neighbors, and a renewed focus on internal cohesion. Without that shift, the nation could find itself not just without a port but without a compass.
The Federal Government of Somalia continues to face persistent and multifaceted challenges in its effort to provide essential public services such as security, education, healthcare, food security, and infrastructure. A major obstacle is the government’s limited ability to mobilize sufficient domestic revenue, primarily due to persistent insecurity, weak institutional capacity, and political disagreements. These constraints have severely hindered the government’s ability to fund and deliver services effectively to its citizens.
Despite these hurdles, Somalia has made notable progress in rebuilding trust with international donors, particularly under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have invested heavily in strengthening Somalia’s public financial management systems, providing critical training to staff at the Ministry of Finance to ensure compliance with international financial standards. Following a series of successful pilot projects where Somalia not only managed donor funds through its own systems but also oversaw the full implementation of program activities, donors began to shift their approach. For the first time in decades, international partners entrusted the Somali government with direct management of large-scale, multimillion-dollar development programs. As a result, nearly $2 billion worth of donor-funded projects are currently being channeled through the country’s Single Treasury Account (STA), overseen by the Ministry of Finance.
Key donors to these programs include the World Bank ($1.6 billion), the African Development Bank ($130 million), the Global Partnership for Education ($80 million), and the European Union ($3.3 million). Collectively, these funds support over 34 active projects being implemented across 12 different federal ministries.
The core objective of these programs is to enhance service delivery and drive sustainable development across key sectors such as:
Institutional capacity building
Urban resilience and infrastructure
Energy and technology
Education and healthcare
Climate change, drought resilience, and food security
Economic development, agriculture, and fisheries
In theory, the successful implementation of these programs could significantly transform these sectors and improve the lives of millions of Somali citizens, either directly or indirectly.
Yet, despite their potential, a staggering portion of these funds remains unspent, with many program activities stalled or unimplemented. Why?
This article aims to shed light on this pressing issue examining the systemic obstacles, operational inefficiencies, and institutional challenges that hinder Somalia’s ability to turn donor support into tangible progress for its people. My goal is to unravel the reasons behind the underutilization of donor funds and explore what must change to ensure that Somalia can finally deliver on the promise of these development programs.
Somalia’s reliance on donor aid
Somalia’s 2025 national budget stands at approximately $1.33 billion. Of this, only $430.3 million is expected to be generated through domestic revenue, while a substantial $903 million more than 67% of the total budget is projected to come from international donors. This donor support is divided into $167.9 million in direct budgetary aid and $735.1 million allocated for specific programs.
Figure 1: Distribution of 2025 Budget: Domestic vs Donor Revenue
This stark dependency on external assistance highlights Somalia’s fragile fiscal position and ongoing challenges in building a self-sustaining public sector. Key donors including the World Bank, IMF, European Union, African Development Bank, and Global Partnership for Education continue to play a central role in funding critical government functions and development programs across the country.
To manage these inflows more effectively and enhance transparency, the government has adopted a Single Treasury Account (STA) system, overseen by the Ministry of Finance. The STA is designed to centralize and streamline the management of public funds, ensuring that donor contributions are tracked, reported, and used through formal government systems in alignment with national priorities.
Where the money stalls
Every year, Somalia underutilizes approximately 50% of donor funds allocated for development programs. In 2023 and 2024, a total of $522.7 million remained unspent, $215.7 million in 2023 and $307 million in 2024 resulting in utilization rates of 56% and 47%, respectively. This represents a 9% decline in spending efficiency from 2023 to 2024, this trend signals that the problem is deepening, and without urgent action, the consequences will grow more severe.
Despite the substantial volume of committed aid, a stark paradox persists, absorption and implementation rates remain critically low. While funds are allocated on paper, projects face chronic delays, under-execution, or outright stagnation. This raises serious questions about institutional bottlenecks, operational capacity, and the government’s ability to convert financial support into tangible improvements for Somali citizens.
In my evaluation of 34 projects worth $1.85 billion, each with annual budgets allocated in the national appropriation, I found stark discrepancies in performance:
2023: Only 7 projects achieved a spending rate above 70%; 8 projects fell between 40–69%, while 14 projects languished at 0–39%.
2024: Performance deteriorated further just 4 projects exceeded 70% execution, 12 projects hovered at 40–69%, and 18 projects remained below 39%.
The seven lowest-spending ministries (with burn rates of 0–46%) exemplify chronic underutilization, directly undermining service delivery in critical sectors. Four ministries, Livestock, Forestry and Range (MoLFR); Communications and Technology (MoCT); Energy and Water Resources (MoEWR); and Education, Culture and Higher Education (MoECHE) consistently underperformed in both years. Three others, Fisheries and Blue Economy (MFBE), Agriculture and Irrigation (MoA), and Planning, Investment and Economic Development (MoPIED) saw drastic declines in 2024.
Collectively, these ministries oversee 17 projects worth over $1 billion, this chronic underutilization of resources by key ministries has stalled progress in critical sectors like agriculture, education, energy, and digital development. These ministries are directly responsible for sectors tied to Somalia’s food security, economic recovery, and long-term development. Their inability to absorb funds has real-world consequences for millions of Somali citizens.
When examining burn rates by donor, a similar pattern emerges. Projects funded by the Global Partnership for Education (GPE) and African Development Bank (AfDB) had the lowest burn rates in 2024, 6% and 17% respectively. Even the World Bank, which funds the largest share of projects, had a utilization rate of just 50%. Only the European Union, with a modest funding envelope, achieved a relatively higher burn rate of 69%, though its overall contribution to the budget was small.
These disparities suggest that donor oversight and implementation support vary significantly. I recommend that technical teams from underperforming donors deepen their involvement in tracking quarterly and annual project plans to ensure targets are met.
The biggest culprits: 23 stalled projects
To further pinpoint where the money is stalled, I identified 23 projects with burn rates below 50% in 2024. These projects account for $1.2 billion in total value, or roughly two-thirds of the total aid portfolio, making their poor performance a major driver of the overall low utilization rate.
To further pinpoint where the money is stalled, I identified 23 projects with burn rates below 50% in 2024. These projects account for $1.2 billion in total value, or roughly two-thirds of the total aid portfolio, making their poor performance a major driver of the overall low utilization rate. These include:
5 education projects (3 with severe execution rates of 3%, 5%, and 5%).
4 energy/water projects (2 at 2% and 4%).
2 projects each in agriculture, finance, livestock, planning, and public works.
Notably, Accelerating Sustainable and Clean Energy Program (WB/MoEWR) spent just 2% of its budget, while Somalia Empowering Women Through Education (WB/MoECHE) utilized only 3%. Several ministries, particularly MOECHE, MoEWR, and MoA are responsible for a large share of these underperforming projects. In some cases, projects had burn rates as low as 2%, 3%, and 5%. These are not just administrative statistics; they represent missed opportunities for improved education, energy access, water infrastructure, and livelihoods for Somali communities.
The answer to Somalia’s declining utilization rates is clear: the largest share of funds is trapped in these underperforming projects managed by 12 key ministries. Without urgent reforms to address procurement delays, capacity gaps, and accountability failures, these ministries will continue to sit on these funds rather than deliver results.
In the next sections, I will dissect the root causes of these bottlenecks and propose actionable solutions.
The root of the problem
Despite the influx of donor funds and the establishment of financial systems like the Single Treasury Account, Somalia’s chronic underutilization of aid is symptomatic of deeper, structural dysfunctions within government institutions. Below, I dissect the four interlinked challenges: a widespread capacity deficit, weak financial management systems, bureaucratic delays, and poor coordination between federal and state institutions. Unless these foundational weaknesses are addressed, progress on development goals will remain elusive.
The single greatest obstacle to project execution is the government’s failure to recruit qualified personnel particularly in top project management roles. In recent years, appointments to multimillion-dollar programs have been marred by nepotism and political patronage, with little regard for technical competence
Project management is a multifaceted discipline requiring expertise in planning, stakeholder coordination, budgeting, risk mitigation, and reporting. Managers must lead diverse teams, align stakeholders across federal and state institutions, and ensure timely execution of work plans. When individuals unfamiliar with these responsibilities are placed in charge, the consequences are predictable: delays, inaction, and missed targets.
Moreover, project teams recruited under similar non-transparent processes often lack the technical and managerial skills required to deliver results. In such environments, project staff frequently see their roles as limited to collecting paychecks rather than implementing programs. Without qualified leadership, many of Somalia’s most critical development programs have stalled not because funding is unavailable, but because no one is adequately prepared or equipped to deliver.
This capacity deficit is not a secondary issue it is the root cause of the broader implementation failure. All other bottlenecks, while significant, are ultimately symptoms of this fundamental flaw.
B.Weaknesses in public financial management and budget execution
Closely tied to the capacity gap is the systemic weakness in financial management practices within many of the ministries overseeing donor-funded projects. In ministries with low burn rates, financial operations are marked by a lack of basic controls, irregular budget reviews, and poor cash flow planning. Routine financial reporting is absent in many Project Implementation Units (PIUs), and project managers are often left in the dark regarding budget utilization until the end of the fiscal year by which time it is too late to course correct.
Payment delays are another persistent issue. Due to insufficient documentation and incomplete or delayed cash projections, funds often remain undisbursed, stalling key activities. Payment processing can take weeks, if not months, disrupting implementation schedules and causing bottlenecks throughout the project cycle. Worse still, the finance teams of many underperforming programs do not provide monthly utilization reports to project managers, further compounding the lack of oversight and accountability.
Strong financial management is a prerequisite for effective service delivery. Without it, even the best-designed projects cannot be executed. as long as ministries fail to establish robust financial tracking, cash management, and reporting mechanisms, underutilization of funds will persist.
C.Procurement bottlenecks and institutional gridlock
Procurement inefficiencies represent another critical obstacle to project implementation. The procurement process is heavily bureaucratic, involving complex procedures and extensive documentation. Unfortunately, many of the procurement officers currently working in donor-funded programs lack the technical competence to manage large, high-threshold procurements. As a result, critical procurements are delayed or never acquired at all.
Beyond the procurement teams, other project staff, including technical specialists and financial officers, play crucial roles in drafting Terms of Reference, preparing budgets, and participating in bid evaluations. These responsibilities are frequently neglected or delayed due to a lack of capacity, commitment, or both. This disjointed process significantly disrupts procurement timelines, slows down disbursements, and contributes to the under-execution of project plans.
In some cases, procurement decisions are further complicated by internal conflicts of interest. Disagreements among stakeholders over which vendors should be awarded contracts can lead to deadlocks, undermining the neutrality and efficiency of the selection process.
D. Limited coordination across Federal and State institutions
Finally, poor coordination between Federal Government institutions and the Federal Member States (FMS) presents a major governance challenge. Tensions often arise over the allocation of funds and the selection of project implementation sites, leading to significant delays in program delivery. Federal ministries frequently design and launch programs without adequate consultation with their FMS counterparts, which can result in misaligned priorities and limited local ownership.
Moreover, reporting and feedback channels between the two levels of government are weak or in some cases entirely absent. This lack of communication undermines the ability of projects to respond to local needs, adapt to regional contexts, and effectively monitor performance.
The Impact of this chronic under-spending
Thus far, this analysis has focused on figures, project names, and institutional failures painting a clear picture of Somalia’s systemic inability to utilize donor funds. But behind these statistics lies a deeper tragedy: the real-world consequences for millions of Somalis who remain trapped in cycles of poverty, ignorance, insecurity, and deprivation due to stalled projects. While a full sector-by-sector impact assessment would require extensive research, the evidence already points to severe setbacks in service delivery and development progress.
The persistently low spending rates across critical government programs have had tangible and damaging effects on public service delivery in Somalia. While billions in donor funding remain unspent, communities continue to lack access to essential services.
In education, delays in disbursements for projects such as the Somali Education Human Capital Project and the GPE System Transformation Grant have prevented the achievement of planned school enrollment targets. As a result, schools remain unbuilt, classrooms lack basic resources, and thousands of teachers remain unpaid, undermining efforts to expand access to quality education, particularly for girls.
In the health sector, setbacks in the health projects have left vital health facilities incomplete and communities without access to basic healthcare. The lack of funding for frontline operations has hindered vaccination campaigns, maternal care services, and the country’s ability to respond to disease outbreaks.
The energy and water sectors have also suffered. Projects like Accelerating Sustainable and Clean Energy, Households’ Access to Renewable Energy, and the Groundwater for Resilience Project have made little progress. Consequently, many communities still lack access to clean water, electricity, and renewable energy, services that are not only essential for survival but also for economic development.
Infrastructure development has been stalled by under-implementation of major projects like the Road Infrastructure Program, the Somali Horn of Africa Infrastructure Integration initiative, and the Somalia Urban Resilience Project. This has delayed critical roadworks, bridge construction, and urban development projects undermining connectivity, trade, and broader post-conflict reconstruction efforts.
In agriculture and food security, stalled programs such as the Somalia Crisis Recovery Project and the Somali Food Systems Resilience Project have led to missed opportunities to support rural livelihoods, address climate vulnerabilities, and improve food security across the country.
Every unspent dollar represents a lost opportunity to provide vital services to the Somali people. Chronic under-spending is not merely a technical or financial issue, it constitutes a fundamental development failure, widening the gap between government policy ambitions and the daily reality faced by citizens.
From an economic perspective, the persistent under-utilization of development funds has direct and far-reaching implications for employment, household income, and overall economic activity in Somalia. Every dollar left unspent translates into jobs not created livelihoods not supported, and local demand not stimulated. Development projects, especially those involving infrastructure, education, and basic services are inherently labor-intensive. Even at the subproject level, such as the construction of a single school, multiple employment opportunities are generated: at minimum, 10 laborers and 2 skilled technicians or engineers would be required. These workers depend on such temporary employment for their daily subsistence, often supporting extended families. The cumulative effect of stalled or delayed projects is the systemic denial of income-generating opportunities across the country.
Using a conservative employment multiplier of 5 direct jobs per $1 million investment, the unspent $307 million in 2024 alone represents a minimum of 1,535 direct jobs lost. However, this is only the tip of the iceberg. When factoring in indirect and induced employment effects such as jobs in the supply chain (materials, logistics, services) and increased household consumption, the total number of jobs foregone could be two to three times higher, depending on sector-specific multipliers. This lost employment opportunity contributes not only to rising poverty levels but also to reduced aggregate demand, suppressing domestic consumption and weakening the velocity of money in the economy. In simple terms, money that could have circulated through wages, local purchases, and community investments instead remains idle in government accounts or donor holding funds.
Moreover, under-spending undermines productive capacity by delaying investments in human capital, infrastructure, and public goods which are critical foundations for long-term economic growth. It stifles the multiplier effects that development projects are meant to unleash, curtails economic diversification, and limits Somalia’s ability to reduce unemployment and increase formal labor force participation. The opportunity cost is enormous, not only in jobs lost but in lost GDP contributions, missed tax revenues, and foregone development gains. If unaddressed, this inefficiency will increase poverty and widen inequality, which deepens the very challenges these development programs were designed to alleviate.
From the donor perspective, this issue is especially concerning. At the outset, Somalia demonstrated a strong commitment to managing development programs effectively and delivering services to its people. This gave donors including the World Bank, African Development Bank, Global Partnership for Education, and the European Union confidence in Somalia’s institutions and systems. They responded by providing substantial funding to help the country meet urgent needs and rebuild public trust and legitimacy.
However, once the funds were secured, the government failed to adequately address the operational and systemic issues that have hindered project execution and fund absorption. Many of these projects are now nearing their end dates within the current administration, and several more will expire soon. Donors have already begun issuing warnings about their dissatisfaction with the low utilization rates, raising serious concerns about the government’s ability to manage external assistance. If Somalia fails to utilize these funds effectively, it risks losing future donor support. Such a loss would not only damage the government’s credibility but also jeopardize the country’s ability to secure future funding, potentially leaving future generations with the burden of rebuilding lost trust and restarting stalled development momentum.
The path forward
In this section, I offer a set of practical and achievable recommendations that, if implemented, can help ministries and development projects recover momentum and meet their targets going forward. These suggestions are not extreme, but rather grounded in the current realities and aimed at enabling progress within existing structures.
A. Capacity development
Throughout my career, I have rarely advocated for disciplinary actions or wholesale staff replacement as the first solution. While I strongly believe in merit-based recruitment to ensure the right individuals are placed in the right roles, I advocate more for building capacity than dismantling teams.
Ministries, with the support of donors, should establish online or in-person training programs focused on key areas such as project management. Project managers must be equipped with knowledge of the full project management cycle, their responsibilities in driving progress, and how to hold others accountable. Similar targeted training courses should be developed for staff in finance, procurement, monitoring and evaluation, and other technical areas. To optimize resources, one centrally developed training program can be shared across all ministries and projects.
In addition, underperforming projects should receive immediate support through the addition of two or more technical staff recruited transparently and competitively who can work alongside existing teams. These newly assigned experts should be empowered with decision-making responsibilities to drive implementation forward.
For newly approved projects such as the World Bank’s Somali Integrated Statistics and Economic Planning Capacity Building Project, Barwaaqo Project, Bulsho Project, SPRING Project, and the Somalia Disaster Risk Management DPF with a Catastrophe Deferred Draw Down Option Project, there is a significant opportunity to set a new standard in project implementation. These projects are still in their early stages, giving both government and donor partners a window to proactively establish strong institutional foundations before operational challenges emerge.
One of the most effective ways to ensure these projects succeed is by prioritizing the recruitment of highly competent professionals through transparent and competitive processes. Clear terms of reference, well-defined selection criteria, and the inclusion of donor observers in recruitment panels can help guarantee that qualified individuals with the right technical skills and commitment are brought on board.
I also recommend introducing a staff performance management framework within government institutions. This system would reward high performers through promotions and identify underperforming staff through demotions or reassignment. It should be data-driven, based on annual performance reviews aligned with project goals. Such a mechanism can strengthen accountability without targeting individuals unfairly, allowing performance to be assessed and managed objectively.
B.Strengthening public financial management and budget execution
One consistent issue observed across multiple projects is the limited number of financial management staff. Projects managing tens of millions of dollars often rely on just one or two finance personnel, which is both unrealistic and unsustainable.
Each ministry should adopt a segregation of duties model within finance teams clearly assigning budget monitoring, payment processing, and cash forecasting to different individuals. Ministries need not recruit externally, instead, surplus civil servants who are currently unassigned but still on the payroll can be mobilized to support these roles.
Moreover, monthly budget monitoring reports should be prepared and shared with project managers, Director Generals, and the relevant Ministers or their delegates. This will ensure leadership remains aware of financial trends and can act swiftly to address delays or inefficiencies.
Cash forecasts should be prepared in advance to prevent cash shortages, and payments must be processed promptly with complete, auditable documentation to maintain financial integrity.
C. Establishing efficient and transparent procurement processes
Procurement remains a bottleneck in many projects. Procurement teams are often too small to manage multiple high-value procurements at once. Ministries should expand these teams by assigning trained civil servants to assist with daily administrative tasks, thereby allowing procurement specialists to focus on more technical activities.
Regular training should be provided to all procurement staff to keep up with best practices and evolving policies. Project managers should monitor procurement plans weekly and raise flags when delays occur. In turn, procurement progress should be reported monthly to ministry leadership for better decision-making and accountability.
D. Improving intergovernmental coordination
I strongly recommend establishing a dedicated Aid Coordination Unit within the Office of the Prime Minister. This unit should be tasked with monitoring the performance of all donor-funded programs, identifying those that are lagging, and coordinating responses to resolve bottlenecks.
The Office of the Prime Minister is uniquely positioned to bridge gaps between federal ministries. Many times, challenges in project delivery arise due to lack of coordination at both vertical (federal-state) and horizontal (across federal ministries) levels. A central unit with a mandate to coordinate and intervene will help mitigate these issues significantly.
The federal government must demonstrate political will and urgency in driving these reforms. Donors have placed their trust in Somalia’s institutions, but that trust is at risk. This moment calls for decisive action. Every day lost is another opportunity missed to deliver essential services to Somali citizens.
There is no more time to wait for the system to fix itself. A clear and immediate intervention is necessary to reverse the current trend and place Somalia back on the path to sustainable development.
End
Author’s Note
Models of excellence: Recognizing the best-performing projects
This article examines 34 development projects in Somalia, with an in-depth focus on 23 underperforming projects that account for over $1 billion in stalled funds. These projects highlight critical inefficiencies in fund deployment and underscore the urgent need for remedial action.
However, it is important to acknowledge the successful projects that demonstrate strong performance, efficient resource utilization, and commendable execution. These projects serve as encouraging examples of what is possible when resources are properly managed. The teams behind the following 11 projects (listed in the table below) deserve recognition for their dedication and effectiveness.
Recommendation for further assessment
This analysis represents a high-level overview and should be treated as an initial diagnostic. A more detailed, sector-by-sector evaluation is necessary to assess the long-term impact of these underperforming projects. Such an analysis would be vital in understanding how resource mismanagement affects institutional development, economic progress, and societal well-being in Somalia.
About Author
Abdullahi Ciid is an experienced Finance and Grants Manager with over Eight years of expertise in humanitarian and development programs. He has held key roles in public financial management, including serving as a Finance Specialist at the Federal Ministry of Education (2019–2021), where he played a key role in implementing the Global Partnership for Education’s (GPE) ESPIG program. During this period, he contributed to pioneering the use of the country’s Treasury Single Account (TSA) for donor funds, proving its reliability and achieving an 85% utilization rate of the project budget.
Additionally, he supported the World Bank’s Somalia Recurrent Cost & Reform Financing Project (Education Component), significantly improving its historically low burn rate through strategic reforms in project management, finance, and procurement. These reforms driven by the ministry’s leadership and a competitively recruited team of experts led to increased donor confidence, resulting in additional funding for subsequent programs, including the Somalia Education for Human Capital Development Project ($40M), GPE’s GEA Project ($18M), STG Project ($60M), and the World Bank’s Rajo Kaaba program ($52M).
The author now writes this article with deep concern over the deteriorating absorption of donor funds. Having helped build donor trust through effective implementation and accountability, he now warns of the risk of reversing that progress. He urges all stakeholders to undertake urgent reforms to safeguard development outcomes and preserve the confidence of Somalia’s international partners.
For further information or professional inquiries, you may contact the author via email at [email protected] or by phone at +252613197161.
Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Xubnaha ku midoobay ‘Madasha Samata-bixinta’ ee Mucaaradka ah ayaa caawa ku shiray hoyga uu Muqdisho ka degan yahay Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheikh Axmed, kadib markii ay dalka dib ugu soo laabteen maalmihii lasoo dhaafay.
Siyaasiyiinta mucaaradka ah ayaa mabda’a ahaan isku raacay inay la kulmaan Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh, kadib dalab ka yimid Villa Somalia, sida ilo xog ogaal ah ay Caasimada Online u xaqiijiyeen.
Waxaa la sheegay in kulan kale dhexdooda ah uu u dhiman yahay, si ay uga tashadaan waqtiga munaasibka ah ee Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh ay la kulmayaan iyo xubnaha matali doona mucaaradka.
Waxaa lagu wadaa in berri ay Muqdisho soo garaan Ra’iisul Wasaarihii hore Cumar Cabdirashiid oo Nairobi ku sugan iyo xubno kale oo mucaaradka ka maqan.
Inta badan xubnaha Madasha Samata-bixinta ayaa dib ugu soo laabtay Muqdisho, kadib safarro ay u baxeen maalmihii Ciidda iyo gudashada waajibaadka Xajka.
Xubnahaan ayaa si cad u diiday inay ka qeyb galaan gogoshii uu fidiyey Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh ee Muqdisho ka socotay muddo afar maalmood ah, ugu dambeyntiina laga soo saaray war-murtiyeed rasmi ah.
Iyagoo diiday gogoshii Madaxweynaha ayay caawa isku raaceen inay la kulmaan madaxweynaha oo kulan kale inay isku arkaan ka codsaday, waxayna berri guda gelayaan farsamada qaabkii ay ula kulmi lahaayeen iyo qodobada ay kala hadlayaan.
Tel Aviv (Caasimada Online) – Israel ayaa haatan wajahaysa yaraanta gantaallaha difaaca cirka ee nooca “Arrow,” sida lagu sheegay warbixin gaar ah oo uu daabacay The Wall Street Journal, iyadoo la soo xiganayo mas’uul Maraykan ah oo aan la magacaabin.
Yaraantan ayaa dhalisay walaac ku saabsan awoodda Israel ee uga hortagi weerarro gantaallada ballistic ah ee uga imanaya sida lagu sheegay warbixinta. Tan iyo markii Israel ay Jimcihii hoe qaaday duqayn lama filaan ah oo ay ku sheegtay in lagu baabi’inayo “halista ba’an” ee ka imaaneysa barnaamijka nukliyeerka iyo gantaallaha Tehran, Dowladda Islaamiga ah ee Iran waxay ku jawaabtay in ay Israel ku weerartay in ka badan 370 gantaal iyo boqollaal diyaarado aan duuliye lahayn (drones).
Gantaallahan ayaa khasaare naf oo xooggan iyo burbur ka gaystay magaalooyin ka mid ah Israel, sida Tel Aviv iyo Haifa.
Sida lagu sheegay warbixinta The Wall Street Journal, Mareykanka wuxuu muddo bilo ah ogaa yaraanta gantaallaha Arrow wuxuuna si hoose uga shaqeynayay sidii loo xoojin lahaa difaaca cirka ee Israel. Hase yeeshee, keydka Mareykanka laftiisa ayaa xaddidan, iyadoo wargeysku xusay in gantaallo badan horey loogu diray Israel, taasoo dhalisay cabsi ah in Maraykanku isaguna galo xaalad la mid ah midda Israel oo ah in keydkiisa difaac uu yaraado.
The Washington Post ayaa Talaadadii soo xigatay ilo xog-ogaal u ah sirdoonka Maraykanka iyo kan Israel, kuwaasoo sheegay in qiimeynaha qaar ay muujinayaan in Israel ay sii wadan karto difaaceeda cirka muddo u dhaxaysa 10 illaa 12 maalmood haddii heerka weerarrada Iran uu siduu hadda yahay ahaado.
Weerarradu waxay hoos u dhaceen tan iyo markii dagaalku billowday toddobaadkii hore, balse haddii xaaladdu sii socoto, Israel waxay u baahan doontaa in Mareykanku dib u buuxiyo keydkeeda ama si toos ah uga qeyb qaato dagaalka.
Isla ilahaasi waxay intaas ku dareen in wixii maanta ka dambeeya la filayo in Israel lagu qasbo inay kala doorato gantaallada la ridayo iyo kuwa la iska daynayo, iyagoo sheegay: “Nidaamku durba waa laga tan badiyey”
Israel marar badan ayay ogolaataa in gantaallada qaar soo dhacaan, haddii la ogyahay inay ku degayaan meel bannaan oo aan dad degganeyn. Laakiin marka weerarradu noqdaan kuwo waaweyn oo is daba joog ah, lama wada qabto gantaallada ku socda magaalooyinka ama kaabayaal muhiim ah.
Dowladda Israel kama aysan bixin wax faallo ah oo rasmi ah ku saabsan warbixinnadan. Ciidanka Difaaca Israel (IDF) ayaa u sheegay The Wall Street Journal in ay “si buuxda ugu diyaarsan yihiin la tacaalidda xaalad kasta,” balse ma aysan faahfaahin arrimaha la xiriira rasaasta iyo agabka milatari.
Israel si rasmi ah ugama aysan hadlin wax la xiriira yaraanta gantaallada difaaca. Si kastaba, IDF waxay sheegtay in inta badan gantaallada Iran ee lagu riday Israel maalmahan la soo qabtay, heerkaasoo la mid ah kii lagu arkay weerarradii bishii Abriil iyo Oktoobar ee 2024.
Weerarradii 2024 cid Israeli ah kuma dhiman, inkasta oo gabar Israeli ah ay ku dhaawacantay bishii Abriil, halka nin Falastiini ah oo ku sugnaa Daanta Galbeed uu ku dhintay bishii Oktoobar, kaddib markii uu ku dhacay burbur ka yimid gantaal la qabtay.
Si ka duwan weerarradii 2024 oo intooda badan lagu bartilmaameedsaday saldhigga Nevatim ee ku yaalla saxaraha Negev — meel dad yari ku nool yihiin — weerarrada cusub waxay si toos ah ugu wajahan yihiin magaalooyin ay dadku ku badan yihiin, taasoo keeneysa in gantaallada aan la qabin ay waxyeello badan geysan karaan.
Ciidanka Israel waxay sheegeen in ay muddo bilo ah horey u qorsheeyeen howlgalka ay ku qaadeen Iran, iyagoo sheegay in ay hayaan xog sirdoon oo dhammeystiran oo ku saabsan keydka gantaallaha ballistic-ga ee Tehran.
Talaadadii, milatariga Israel wuxuu sheegay in ku dhowaad 40% ka mid ah aaladaha ay Iran ku rido gantaallada ballistic-ga la burburiyay tan iyo markii howlgalka billowday.
Nidaamka Arrow ma ahan difaaca keliya ee loo adeegsado weerarrada gantaallaha Iran.
Mareykanku wuxuu gobolka ku leeyahay nidaamka difaaca Patriot ee dhulka laga rido iyo sidoo kale nidaamka THAAD, kuwaas oo awood u leh inay qabtaan gantaallo ballistic ah. Dhinaca kale, markabyo dagaal oo ka tirsan Ciidamada Badda Mareykanka ayaa sidoo kale burburiyay gantaallo soo socday.
Marka laga reebo Mareykanka, saaxiibada Israel ee gobolka ma haystaan awood farsamo oo ay ku ridi karaan gantaallo ballistic ah — kuwaas oo duulimaadkoodu aad u kooban yahay (qiyaastii 10 daqiiqo), kana dhigaya kuwo aad u adag in la qabto, iyadoo loo baahan yahay nidaamyo difaac oo aad u casri ah.
Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda federaalka ayaa baajisay shirkii golaha wadatashiga qaranka, iyadoo shaacisay sababta, shirkaas ayuu qorshuhu ahaa in la qabto 22-ka bishaan oo labo maalin oo kaliya ay ka hartay.
Qoraal lagu baahiyey Telefishinka Dowladda ayaa lagu sheegay in 15-ka bisha dambe ee July uu qabsoomi doono shirkaas.
Sababta loo baajiyey shirka Golaha waxaa lagu sheegay dabaaldegga toddobaadka xoriyadda.
“Iyada oo laga duulayo waynaynta iyo u diyaar garawga xuska toddobaadka Xorriyadda iyo ahmiyadda ay leedahay, waxaa dib loo dhigay Shirka Golaha Wadatashiga Qaranka oo horay uu Madaxwaynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Mudane Dr. Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, u muddeeyay 22-ka bishaan Juun 2025-ka, waxaana uu shirku qabsoomi doonaa 15-ka Luuliyo 2025-ka, insha allaa,” ayaa lagu yiri qoraalka dowladda.
Golaha Wadatashiga Qaranka ayaa muddooyinkii dambe aad loo dhaliilsanaa, maadaama ay seysteen hal xisbi oo madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh uu hoggaaminayo.
Golaha waxaa horay uga maqnaa madaxda dowlad goboleedyada Jubbaland iyo Puntland, waxaana la saluugay go’aanadooda, maadaama intii soo hartay ay noqdeen hal xisbi siyaasadeed.
Shirka ugu soo horeeya ee Golaha Wadatashiga Qaranka waxaa la horgeynayaa talooyinkii ka soo baxay gogoshii uu dhigay Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh, sida uu horay u balanqaaday.
Dhameystirka Dastuurka ayaa ka filayaa in shirka soo socda ee golaha aad loogu falanqeeyo, maadaama talooyin ay ku darsadeen siyaasiyiintii lagu casuumay golaha, war-murtiyeedkii ka soo baxay gogoshana lagu sheegay in dib loo eegayo shaqadii socotay ee dastuurka.
Gaalkacyo (Caasimada Online) – Wasaaradda Waxbarashada Soomaaliya ayaa war-xaafadeed ka soo saartay imtixaankii shahaadiga ahaa ee toddobaadka ay u qabatay ardayda dugsiyada sare.
Wasaaradda ayaa beenisay warar lagu faafiyey baraha bulshada oo tilmaamayey in kormeerayaashii Imtixaanka lagu afduubtay magaalada Gaalkacyo ee gobolka Mudug.
Wasaaradda ayaa ugu horeyn u mahadcelisay dowlad goboleedyada ka qeyb qaatay qabashadii imtixaanka iyo Maamulka Gobolka Banaadir, kuwaas oo wasaaraddu ay qirtay in si hufan ay ugala shaqeeyeen Wasaaradda intii uu socday imtixaanka.
“Wasaaradda waxbarashada, waxa ay caddeyneysaa in ay been abuur tahay wararka baraha bulshada qaarkood ay ku sheegeen in Magaalada Gaalkacyo ee Gobolka Mudug lagu afduubtay kormeerayaal ka tirsan wasaaradda Waxbarashada,” ayaa lagu yiri qoraalka wasaaradda.
Sidoo kale, Wasaaradda Waxbarashada ayaa qoraalkaan ku sheegtay in maanta ay soo gaareen magaalada Muqdisho madaxdii, kormeerayaashii iyo saraakiishii imtixaanka qaadday.
“Wasaaradda Waxbarashada, Hiddaha iyo Tacliinta Sare waxay digniin u diraysaa cid walba oo faafisa wararka been abuurka ah ee lagu suurad xumeynayo howlaha waxbarashada,” ayaa lagu yiri qoraalka wasaaradda.
Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa sanadkaan ku guuleysatay in ka badan 39,000 (Sodon iyo sagaal kun iyo labo boqol oo arday ay ka qaado imtixaanka dugsiyada sare, iyadoo ayaan jirin wax rabsho ah ama qish baxay.
Imtixaankaan ayaa laga qaaday ardayda wax ku baratay gobollada koonfurta iyo bartamaha dalka, waxaana ka maqnaa maamullada Somaliland iyo Puntland oo iyagu aan Waxbarashada kala mideyaneyn dowladda federaalka iyo dowlad goboleedyada kale
Addis Ababa (Caasimada Online) – Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya Abiy Axmed ayaa magaalada Addis Ababa ku qaabilay Taliyaha Ciidamada Mareykanka ee Afrika (AFRICOM), General Michael Langley, oo booqasho rasmi ah ku jooga dalkaasi.
War kooban oo kasoo baxay safaaradda Mareykanka ee Addis Ababa ayaa lagu sheegay in labada mas’uul ay si qoto dheer uga wada-hadleen arrimaha amniga gobolka iyo iskaashiga dhanka difaaca, gaar ahaan halista ka imaanaysa kooxaha xagjirka ah sida Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish.
Waxaa la tilmaamay in kulankaan uu muujinayo sida ay Mareykanka uga go’an tahay xoojinta iskaashiga amni ee dalalka gobolka.
Safaaradda ayaa sidoo kale caddeysay in kulanka uu salka ku hayay sidii loo adkeyn lahaa wada-shaqeynta ka dhaxaysa Dowladda Itoobiya iyo AFRICOM, isla markaana si wadajir ah loola tacaalo khataraha argagixisanimo ee ka jira gobolka.
Qoraalka ayaa si gaar ah u xusay in General Langley iyo Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy ay xoogga saareen muhiimadda ay leedahay iskaashi istiraatiiji ah oo lagula tacaalo kooxaha khatarta ku ah nabadda iyo xasilloonida gobolka.
Dhankiisa, Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Axmed ayaa xaqiijiyay in wada-hadalka uu la yeeshay Taliyaha AFRICOM uu ku saabsanaa xoojinta iskaashiga dhanka amniga, gaar ahaan dagaalka lagula jiro Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish.
Waxa uu xusay in Itoobiya ay dooneyso in la helo taageero muuqata oo caalami ah si wax looga qabto caqabadaha ka jira Geeska Afrika.
Si kastaba, kulankan ayaa imaanaya xilli uu General Michael Langley oo ah ninka ugu sarreeya howl-galka Mareykanka ee qaaradda Afrika uu socdaal ku marayo dalalka gobolka Geeska Afrika. Ninkan ayaa maalintii shalay ku sugnaa Somaliland halkaas uu tegay illaa magaalada Berbera.
Socdaalka masuulkan ayaa la xiriira siyaadadda cusub ee Mareykanku uu ku wajahayo Geeska Afrika, taas oo ay sidoo kale qayb ka tahay dowladda Itoobiya.
Washington (Caasimada Online) – Go’aanka madaxweyne Donald Trump ee uu ku hakiyay duullaan Mareykan ah oo lagu qaadi lahaa Iran ayaa ku reebay Israel xaalad istaraatijiyadeed oo cakiran.
Hadafka dagaal ee ugu weyn ee hadda u harsan Israel ayaa ah inay burburiso xarunta lagu kobciyo nukliyeerka ee Fordo, oo ku taalla waqooyiga Iran. Xaruntan ayaa si aad ah dhulka hoostiisa loogu aasay, taasoo ka dhigaysa mid aad ugu adag in ay waxyeello u geystaan duqeymaha Israel.
Maalmo badan, saraakiisha Israel waxay rajaynayeen in Madaxweyne Trump uu hawada u diro diyaarado dagaal oo Mareykan ah kuwaasoo sida hubka kaliya ee dunida la ogyahay inuu awood u leeyahay burburinta Fordo.
Haatan, Trump wuxuu sheegay inuu sugayo ilaa laba toddobaad ka hor inta uusan go’aan kama dambeys ah ka gaarin faragelintaas — dib u dhac culays siyaasadeed iyo milatari ku keenaya Israel.
Marka uu waqti dheeraado oo Israel sugto jawaabta Mareykanka, cadaadiska saaran nidaamka difaaca cirka ee dalkaasi ayaa sii kordhaya. Si ay uga hortagto weerarrada gantaallaha ridada dheer ee Iran, Israel waxay si xawli ah u isticmaaleysaa keydkeeda gantaallaha lidka gantaallada, taasoo ku qasbeysa inay mudnaanta siiso difaaca magaalooyinka qaarkood, halka kuwo kale la dayaco.
Tani waxay sare u qaadaysaa halista ah in gantaallo ay si toos ah ugu dhacaan xaafadaha rayidka iyo xarumaha istiraatiijiga ah ee amniga.
Intaa waxaa dheer, iyadoo hawada dalka la xiray islamarkaana dhaqaalihii gudaha hakad galay, dagaalka oo dheeraada wuxuu keeni doonaa khasaare dhaqaale oo isa soo taraya. Sida ugu dhaqsaha badan ee dagaalku u dhammaado, ayay diyaaradaha ganacsiga u soo laaban doonaan, ganacsiguna dib u bilaaban doonaa si buuxda.
Taa beddelkeeda, Israel waxay dooran kartaa inay si madaxbannaan u weerarto Fordo — iyadoo adeegsanaysa diyaaradaha iyo hubka ay hadda gacanta ku hayso. Qaar ka mid ah falanqeeyayaasha ayaa rumeysan in Israel ay xitaa u diri karto cutubyo gaar ah si ay xaruntaas gudaha uga burburiyaan ama u khalkhaliyaan.
Ra’iisul Wasaare Benjamin Netanyahu ayaa Khamiistii si dadban u muujiyay diyaar u ahaanshaha Israel ee weerar gooni ah, isagoo wareysi telefishin ku yiri: “Waxaan gaari doonnaa dhammaan yoolalkeena — dhammaan xarumaha nukliyeerka ee Iran. Awooddaas waan leenahay.”
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, khubaro badan ayaa ka digaya in jidkaas uu khatar badan wato, isla markaana saameyntiisa ay xadidan tahay. “Waxaan u malaynayaa inaysan noqon doonin mid la jaanqaadaysa waxa Mareykanka awoodi karo,” ayuu yiri Itamar Rabinovich, oo horey u ahaan jiray safiirka Israel ee Washington. “Haddii aan awooddaas haysan lahayn, horey ayaanu u fulin lahayn weerarka.”
Doorasho kale oo Israel u furan ayaa ah in ay si gooni ah dagaalka u soo afjarto iyada oo aan Fordo la weerarin. Hase yeeshee, taasi waxay ka dhigan tahay in qayb weyn oo ka mid ah barnaamijka nukliyeerka Iran uu badbaado, taasoo u furaysa waddo suurtagal ah in Iran ay samaysato bam nukliyeer ah oo mustaqbalka khatar ku noqon kara Israel.
Waqtigan la joogo, ma muuqato in Israel ay u janjeerto xalkaas nabadeed. Hoggaamiyeyaasha siyaasadeed ee Israel waxay bilaabeen in si cad loo hadlo, iyagoo sheegay in ay doonayaan inay dunto xukuumadda Iran iyo in la beegsado hoggaamiyaha sare, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. In kasta oo aanay jirin waddo muuqata oo Israel ugu guuleysan karto rididda nidaamkaas, hadalladaasi waxay muujinayaan ugu yaraan in Israel damacsan tahay inay sii waddo weerarrada maalmo kale.
Warbaahinta gudaha Israel ayaa Jimcihii muujisay taageero xooggan oo shacabka u hayaan dagaalka, taasoo ay xoojisay ra’yi ururin cusub. Ka dib weerarkii Israel ku qaadday Iran, xisbiga Netanyahu ayaa ku jira xaalada ugu wanaagsan ee codbixinta tan iyo bishii Oktoobar 2023 — markaasoo Xamaas ay fulisay weerarkii ugu dhimashada badnaa taariikhda Israel.
Magacaabista la filayo ayaa lagu wadaa in ay saamayn ballaaran ku yeelato golaha wasiirrada, agaasimayaasha wasaaradaha iyo mas’uuliyiin kale oo ka tirsan maamulka Puntland.
Wararka ayaa tilmaamaya in Madaxweyne Deni uu wado qorshe isbeddel oo dhanka maamulka ah, taas oo la rumeysan yahay inay keeni doonto inuu shaqada ka eryo tiro badan oo shaqaalaha hay’adaha dowliga ah.
Ilo xog ogaal ah ayaa sheegaya in isbeddelkan lagu wado in uu si rasmi ah u bilowdo toddobaadka soo socda, iyada oo inta hartay bishan Juun lagu guda jiro ay sii socon doonto magacaabista iyo dib-u-habaynta la qorsheeyay.
Sida ay sheegayaan ilo wareedyo lagu kalsoon yahay, Madaxweynaha ayaa si dhow ula socda magacaabista, waxa uuna si gaar ah u xadiday xogta la xiriirta qorshayaashiisa, taas oo ka duwan habkii hore ee uu la-tashiga u sameyn jiray marka isbeddello waaweyn la qorsheynayo.
Tan ayaa loo arkaa mid muujinaysa in Saciid Deni uu doonayo in uu keligiis go’aan ka gaaro magacaabista cusub.
Magacaabista la filayo ayaa sidoo kale noqon karta mid ay ku jirto diyaargarow uu Madaxweynaha ugu jiro doorashooyinka mustaqbalka, iyada oo la saadaalinayo in isbeddelladan ay noqon karaan kuwo salka ku haya istaraatiijiyad cusub oo siyaasadeed. Waxaa laga dhowrayaa in xubno cusub oo siyaasadda ku cusub lagu soo daro liiska soo bixi doona.
Illaa hadda, xafiiska Madaxweynaha si rasmi ah ugama hadlin magacaabista la filayo, balse xaaladda Madaxtooyada iyo xogaha la helayo ayaa muujinaya in isbeddello culus oo dhanka maamulka ah ay Puntland ka hirgali doonaan maalmaha dhow. Dad badan oo arrimaha Puntland ka faallooda ayaa isha ku haya go’aannada Deni uu qaadan doono.
Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Ilaa 12 xubnood oo ka tirsan kooxda Al-Shabaab, oo ay ku jiraan horjoogayaal ayaa lagu dilay howl-gal si gaar ah loo qorsheeyay oo lagu beegsaday guri ku yaalla degmada Aadan Yabaal.
Howl-galkan oo ahaa mid si heer sare ah loo diyaariyay ayaa waxaa si wadajir ah u fuliyay ciidanka hay’adda sirdoonka iyo babad-sugidda qaranka (NISA) iyo saaxiibada caalamka ee dowladda ka taageera dagaalka kooxda Al-Shabaab.
Guriga bartilmaameedka u ahaa howl-galka ayaa aheyd goob Al-Shabaab u aheyd xarun istaraatiiji ah oo lagu aruuriyo saanadda ciidanka, sidoo kalena laga abaabulo maleeshiyaadkooda.
Intii uu socday howl-galkaas, waxaa sidoo kale la burburiyay gaadiid dagaal, hub farabadan iyo saanado kale oo muhiim u ahaa cadowga, iyadoo howlgalkaan uu u dhacay sidii loo qorsheeyay.
Bartilmaameedka howl-galkaan waxaa qayb ka ahaa horjoogayaal si wayn loo daba socday kuwaas oo dhibaato badan u gaystay shacabka Soomaaliyeed, sida ay sheegtay dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya.
Dowladda ayaa sheegtay in bulshada Soomaaliyeed ay dib kala soo wadaagi doonto magacyada horjoogayaasha howl-galkan lagu khaarajiyay kadib marka ay soo dhamaato qiimeynta socota.
Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa xaqiijisay in iyadoo kaashanaysa shacabkeeda iyo saaxiibada caalamka ay ka go’an tahay ciribtirka kooxda Al-Shabaab, iyadoo sheegtay in aysan jirin meel ay ku baxsan karaan horjoogayaasha iyo maleeshiyaadkoodaba.
Tel Aviv (Caasimada Online) – Israa’iil iyo Iiraan ayaa markale is weydaarsaday duqeymo xooggan, taas oo ka dhigan sii socoshada xiisadda dagaal ee ka dhex aloosan labada dal.
Duqeymahaas ayaa saameyn ku yeeshay magaalooyin muhiim ah, waxaana si gaar ah loo beegsaday magaalada Be’er Sheva ee koonfurta Israa’iil.
Wararka ka imaanaya Israa’iil ayaa sheegaya in duqeynta ugu dambeysay ee ka dhacday Be’er Sheva ay sababtay dhaawaca shan qof, kuwaas oo haatan lagu dabiibayo isbitaalada magaalada. Wasaaradda caafimaadka Israa’iil ayaa horay u shaacisay in duqeymo horey uga dhacay halkaas ay ku dhaawacmeen in ka badan 70 qof.
Telefishinka Iiraan ayaa sheegay in weerarka saakay ay fuliyeen uu bartilmaameedkiisu ahaa saldhigyo milatari iyo xarumo sirdoon oo ku yaalla Be’er Sheva, kuwaas oo Israa’iil u aragto kuwo istaraatiji ah, maadaama ay ku dhow yihiin xarumaha nukliyeerka dalkaas.
Sawirro laga qaaday goobaha la beegsaday ayaa muujinaya burbur ballaaran oo soo gaaray dhismayaal ay dadku ku nool yihiin. Waxaa muuqda raadadkii gantaallada iyo waxyeellada ay u geysteen nawaaxiga weerarku ka dhacay.
Duqeymahan is-daba jooga ah ayaa ka tarjumaya xaalad sii cakirmeysa, iyadoo la filayo in labada dhinac ay weli sii wadaan weerarada gantaallada iyo hawlaha ciidan ee ka dhanka ah midba midka kale.
Xiisaddan ayaa weli ah mid cabsi gelinaysa gobolka, iyadoo aan weli la ogayn in xaaladdu degi doonto iyo in kale.
Wasiirka Warfaafinta Puntland, Maxamuud Caydiid Dirir ayaa sheegay in Dowladda Federaalka ay heshiis qarsoodi ah la gashay Al-Shabaab, kadib markii ay ku guul-dareysatay inay milatari ahaan isaga caabiso kooxda.
Wasiir Maxamuud Dirir ayaa sheegay in heshiiskan uu yimid xilii ay kooxdu qorsheynaysay inay duullaan ku qaadaan magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimada dalka, taasoo uu sheegay inay heshiiskan dowladda isaga joojisay ama uga hortagtay qorshahaas.
Sidoo kale wuxuu sheegay in Villa Somalia ay qaaday tallaabooyin lagu fulinayo heshiiskan qarsoon, iyadoo xilkii ka Taliyihii NISA Cabdullaahi Sanbalooshe, si caqabad ugu dhigto dagaalkii Macawiisleeyda ee gobolka Hiiraan, sida uu sheegay.
“Heshiiska Villa Somalia la gashay Al-Shabaab wuxuu horseeday in la hakiyo dagaalkii ay Macawiisleyda ka wadeen gobolka Hiiraan, sidoo kale wuxuu dhalay in caqabado loo dhigo dagaallada ay beelaha deegaanka wadeen ee ka dhanka ahaa kooxda,” ayuu yiri Wasiir Maxamuud Dirir.
Marka laga yimaado hadalka Wasiirka Puntland, ma jiro xogo madax-banaan oo si rasmi ah u xaqiijinaya heshiiskan.
Si kastaba Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya iyo kooxda Al-shabaab midna kama aysan hadlin warkan culus ee uu shaaciyay Wasiirka Warfaafinta Puntland, taasoo abuurtay su’aalo badan oo ku saabsan heshiiskan qarsoodi ah ee la sheegay in ay gaareen labada dhinac.
Nairobi (Caasimada Online) – Wararka naga soo gaaraya gobolka Waqooyi Bari ee Kenya ayaa sheegaya in labo shaqaale dhagaxa qoda ah lagu afduubtay deegaanka Shimbir ee hoos taga degmada Mandheera.
Afar qof oo kale oo saarnaa gaariga ayaa u suurtagashay inay ka baxsadaan goobta, balse laba shaqaale oo aan deegaanka u dhalan, laguna kala magacaabo John Kambua iyo Martin Musyoki ayey dableydan ku guuleysatay afduubkooda.
Wararka ayaa sheegaya in loo kaxeeyay goob aan la garanayn, taasoo keentay in hay’adaha ammaanka ay bilaabaan howlgal ballaaran oo lagu raadinayo dableyda afduubka geysatay.
Dhacdadan ayaa kusoo beegmaysa iyadoo si isa soo taraysa looga walaacsan yahay falalka amni-darro ee ka dhacayey Mandheera, gaar ahaan kuwa lagu bartilmaameedsanayo dadka ka shaqeeya kaawada dhagaxa. Shaqaalaha aan deegaanka u dhalan ayaa si gaar ah halis ugu jira, maadaama weerarada noocan oo kale ah ay noqdeen kuwo soo noqnoqda.
Booliiska Kenya ayaa sidoo kale xaqiijiyay in 16-kii Juun meydka Naftali Wanjohi oo 40 jir ah laga helay goob dhagax laga qodo oo ku taalla deegaanka Quramadhoo, oo u dhow magaalada Ceelwaaq. Wanjohi ayaa la rumeysan yahay in la dilay, iyadoo falkaasi loo tiirinayo koox ka tirsan Al-Shabaab, inkastoo baaritaannada socda aysan weli keenin natiijo rasmi ah.
Weerarada joogtada ah ee lagu hayo dadka dhagaxa qoda ayaa dib u soo nooleeyay cabsi xooggan oo ku saabsan ammaanka shaqaalaha, gaar ahaan kuwa aan deegaanka kasoo jeedin. Mandheera oo xuduud la leh Soomaaliya ayaa muddo dheer wajahaysay khataro amni oo uga imaanaya xagjiriinta ku sugan dhanka kale ee xadka.
Si looga hortago halista sii kordheysa, guddoomiyaha gobolka Mandheera ayaa amar deg-deg ah ku bixiyay in la joojiyo dhammaan howlaha dhagaxa kaawada ee ka socda gobolka. Wuxuu tilmaamay in xaaladda amni ay sii xumaanayso, isla markaana loo baahan yahay in la ilaaliyo nolosha iyo badbaadada shaqaalaha ka hawlgala goobahaasi.
The biggest culprits: 23 stalled projects
The answer to Somalia’s declining utilization rates is clear: the largest share of funds is trapped in these underperforming projects managed by 12 key ministries. Without urgent reforms to address procurement delays, capacity gaps, and accountability failures, these ministries will continue to sit on these funds rather than deliver results.
Recommendation for further assessment
