Ankara (Caasimada Online) – Tan iyo doorashadii dawladaha hoose ee sanadkii 2019-kii ka dhacday dalka Turkiga, waxaa aad u badneed hadal haynta ku saabsan in dalkaas ay ka dhici doonto doorasho waqtigeeda laga soo hormariyo, iyadoo mucaaradku ay marar badan dalbadeen taas, waxayna kalsooni buuxda ka qaadeen natiijooyinkii ay ka soo hooyeen doorashooyinkii dowladaha hoose.
Mucaaradka dalka Turkiga ayaa xilligaan aaminsan inay ka fursdad wanaagsan yihiin Madaxweyne Erdogan iyo xisbigiisa talada haya, waxayna rajeynayaan inay guul waaweyn ka gaaraan doorashooyinka Baarlamaanka iyo tan madaxweynaha.
Dhinaca kale, Isbahaysiga Shacbiga oo ka kooban Xisbiyada Cadaaladda iyo Horumarka (AKP) iyo Xisbiga Mucaaridka ah ee Dhaqdhaqaaqa Waddaniga ah (MHP) ayaa xaqiijinaya in aanay doorashadu wakhti hore ku qabsoomi doonin, isla markaana ay ku dhici doonto wakhtiga loo asteeyey ee ah bartamaha sanadka 2023-ka.
Go’aanka xisbiyada ku midoobay talada ayaa la sheegay inay aheyd mid niyad jabineysa kuwa mucaaradka, maadaama ay aamisan yihiin in ay sare usii kaceyso sumcadooda halka ay rumeysan yihiin inay hoos usii socoto sumcadda xisbiga talada haya, isla markaasna ay muuqato cabsidooda ku aadan sanduuqa codbixinta.
Inkasta oo Isbahaysiga Shacbiga uu ku adkeysanayo in aan waxba laga badaleyn waqtiga doorashada, haddana Turkigu waayadan dambe waxa uu ku jiray jawi doorasho oo aan lasoo agaasimin, marka la eego xamaasadda, isqabqabsiga, isku dhaca iyo dooda u dhaxeysa musharixiinta u taagan xilka madaxweynimada dalkaas.
Mar haddii Erdogan uu yahay musharaxa la filayo inay soo doortaan xisbiga Caddaaladda iyo Horumarka iyo Isbaheysiga Shacabka, su’aasha ugu badan ee la xiriirta doorashooyinka soo socda ayaa ah magaca musharraxa mucaaradka ah ee la tartami doona.
Marka ugu horeysa arrinta ugu muhiimsan ee ah in la ogaado ayaa ah in doorashada ay qeyb wanaagsan ka qaataan muhiimada ay leedahay xaaladda uu wadanka ku sugan yahay, mana dhici karto in doorasho laga hadlo oo natiijadeeda la sii odorosay, iyadoo aan la tixgalinayn duruufaha ay ku dhaceyso, gaar ahaan xaaladda dhaqaale ee gudaha iyo horumarka ugu muhiimsan ee siyaasadda arrimaha dibadda, sidoo kale xulafada doorashada, tirada murashaxiinta iyo magacyadooda, dookhyada codbixiyayaasha, iwm.
Marka labaad, waxaa muhiim ah in la caddeeyo in fursadaha lagu guuleysto ee ka dhanka ah Erdogan aysan ahayn kaliya, ama ugu muhiimsaneyn xulashada musharaxiinta tartamaya.
Doorashadii ugu dambeysay ee madaxtinimo ee la qabtay sanadkii 2014, mucaaradku iskuma raacin musharax guud, haddii ay heli lahaayeen, waxaa hubaal ah in fursadahooda ay ka fiicnaan lahayd midda Erdogan marka loo eego codadkii ay heleyn musharixiinta mucaaradka.
Madaxa xisbiga Good Party, Meral Aksener, ayaa ku adkaysatay inay isa soo sharaxdo sababtoo ah waxay dooneysay inay sare u qaado fursadaha xisbigeeda ee ah inuu u tartamo doorashada baarlamaanka markii ugu horeysay tan iyo markii la aasaasay.
Sidoo kale, doorashadii 2014 waxay khilaaf xoog leh dhex dhigtay xisbiga Jamhuuriga ee CHP kadib markiia ay isku qabsadeyn cidda hoggaanka noqoneyso, wuxuuna ugu dambeyn khilaafka keenay inuu xisbiga isaga baxo Muharrem Ince isla markaasna uu sameysto xisbi cusub oo loogu magac daray Waddani.
Tan Sedexaad, anagoo ka duulayna arrimaha aan kor ku soo xusnay, qodobbada ugu muhiimsan ee saameynaya natiijada doorashada madaxtooyada waxaa ka mid ah inta ay le’eg tahay awoodda mucaaridku ku heshiin karaan musharax la wada leeyahay ama la isku raacsan yahay.
Haddii ay sidaas dhacdo, waxay kordhineysaa fursadaha tartanka, haddii ay ku guuldareystaan waxay soo dadajin kartaa guuldaro kasoo gaarto doorashada.
Illaa hadda waxaad mooddaa in labada xisbi mucaarad ee CHP iyo Xisbiga Wanaag ay isku raacsan yihiin in la soo bandhigo musharrax ay ku wada qanacsan yihiin, waxaana la rumeysan yahay in xisbiga Dimuqraadiga (HDP) uu taageersan yahay qorshahaas.
Haddaba, Shuruudda ugu weyn ee musharaxa la isku raacsan yahay ayaa ah in uu yahay mid ay ku qanacsan yihiin CHP iyo Xisbiga Wanaag, iyo sidoo kale qaybaha kale ee cod-bixiyayaasha, waxayna door bidayaan in uu ka soo jeedo garabka midig (qaran ama muxaafid).
Shuruudda ugu adag ayaa ah in musharaxa la isku raacayo ay aqbalaan dhammaan kooxaha mucaaradka, waxayna u badan tahay in lasoo sharaxo midkooda Ekrem Imamoglu iyo Mansur Yavas oo hadda kala ah duqa magaalooyinka Istanbul iyo Ankara.
Aragti ahaan, madaxweynihii hore ee Abdullah Gul ayaa weli ah shakhsiga ugu xooggan ee wajahaya Erdogan, maadaama uu u muuqdo inuu yahay nin weli awood leh, waxaana loo badinayaa inuu ku guuleysan karo codadka xisbiyada kala duwan oo ay ku jiraan xisbiyada cusub ee ka soo baxay ilmo-galeenka xisbiga Cadaaladda iyo Horumarka.
Inkasta oo ay dad badan u muuqato in Ekrem Imamoglu uu noqon doono midka adag ee la tartami doono Erdogan 2023 marka fiiriyo guushii weyneyd oo uu ka gaaray degmada Istanbul, haddana waxaa mudan in la xasuusto in qofka uu la tartamayo uu yahay Erdogan isla markaasna doorashada madaxtinimada ay ka duwan tahay middii Dowladaha Hoose.
Hoggaamiyaha xisbiga CHP Kilicdaroglu wuxuu aamisan yahay in Imamoglu iyo Yavas ay sii ahaadaan duqa magaalada Istanbul iyo Ankara, si aysan mar kale uga bixin gacanta xisbiga Cadaaladda iyo Horumarka. Taas oo la macno ah in uusan rabin inay isku soo sharaxaan xilka madaxweynimo, waxaana laga yaabaa inuu doonayo in uu iskii isu sharaxo, balse waxaa suuragal ah in Imamoglu iyo Yavas ay ka hor yimaadaan go’aankan, kaas oo albaabka u furaya khilaaf ka dhex jira xisbiga CHP ee ku saabsan doorashooyinka.
Isku soo wada duuboo, labada qodob ee ugu waaweyn ee saamaynta ku yeelanaya natiijada doorashada madaxtooyada ee soo socota ayaa ah inta ay mucaaradku awood u leeyihiin in ay soo bandhigaan musharaxa la isku raacsan yahay iyo magaca musharaxa. Arrintan lafteeda ayaa caqabad weyn ku ah mucaaradka, maadaama aanay sahlanayn in la helo musharax ku guulaysta codadka xisbiyada Turkish nationalist iyo Peoples Democratic Party (Kurdi Nationalist) ee lagu eedeeyo xriirka ay la leeyihiin PKK.
