Garoowe (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynaha Jubaland, Axmed Maxamed Islaam Axmed Madoobe, ayaa la filayaa inuu toddobaadkan booqasho ku tago caasimadda Puntland ee Garoowe, halkaas oo uu kulan heer sare ah kula yeelan doono Madaxweynaha Puntland, Siciid Cabdullaahi Deni, xilli ay dalka ka jirto xaalad siyaasadeed oo cakiran, sida ay ilo-wareedyo lagu kalsoon yahay u xaqiijiyeen Caasimada Online.
Booqashadan, oo ay xaqiijiyeen ilo ku dhow labada maamul, ayaa ujeeddadeedu tahay in la sii adkeeyo xiriirka labada dowlad-goboleed iyo in la iska kaashado arrimaha masiiriga ah ee dalka, gaar ahaan khilaafaadka doorashooyinka ee soo jiitamaya iyo xaaladda amniga.
Wadahadallada la qorsheeyay ayaa la rajeynayaa inay sare u qaadaan iskaashiga labada dhinac, dib u dhisaan kalsoonida siyaasadeed, iyo in wax looga qabto caqabadaha baaxadda leh ee horyaalla nidaamka federaalka Soomaaliya.
“Kulanka Madaxweyne Madoobe iyo Madaxweyne Deni waa mid muhiimad gaar ah u leh is-waafajinta istaraatiijiyadaha gobollada iyo in laga yeesho aragti mideysan arrimaha waaweyn ee qaranka,” waxaa sidaa u sheegay Caasimada Online sarkaal ka tirsan Puntland oo codsaday inaan magaciisa la shaacin.
Labada hoggaamiye waa xulafada soo jireen ah oo u ololeeya nidaam federaali ah oo awoodda la baahiyo, waxaana iskaashigooda loo arkaa mid culeys siyaasadeed ku keeni kara dadaallada awood-urursiga ah ee ay dowladda dhexe ka waddo magaalada Muqdisho.
Is-mari-waaga doorashooyinka
Wadahadallada waxaa udub-dhexaad u ah is-mari-waaga siyaasadeed ee dalka, gaar ahaan arrimaha doorashooyinka ee muddada dheer aan xalka loo helin. Khilaafaadka u dhexeeya dowladda federaalka iyo dowladaha xubnaha ka ah ee ku saabsan qaab-dhismeedka doorashada, wax-ka-beddelka dastuurka, iyo awood-qaybsiga ayaa curyaamiyay horumarkii siyaasadeed, wuxuuna dib u huriyay kalsooni-darradii jirtay.
Axmed Madoobe iyo Siciid Deni, labaduba, waxay si isdaba-joog ah u dhaliileen maamulka Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, iyagoo ku tilmaamay mid wada go’aanno aan lagala tashan oo kor laga keenay, kuwaasoo meesha ka saaraya codka iyo aragtiyaha maamul-goboleedyada.
Falanqeeyayaasha siyaasadda waxay tilmaamayaan in kulankani uu gacan ka geysan karo abuurista aragti mideysan oo ku aaddan habraacyada doorashooyinka, isla markaana uu xoojinayo baaqa loo jeedinayo hannaan siyaasadeed oo loo wada dhan yahay, kuna dhisan is-afgarad.
Sidoo kale, labada maamul-goboleed waxaa ka dhaxeeya walaac amni oo qoto dheer. Puntland iyo Jubaland waxay labaduba xuduud la wadaagaan goobo ay colaado ka oogan yihiin, waxayna safka hore kaga jireen dagaalka ka dhanka ah kooxda Al-Shabaab ee xiriirka la leh Al-Qaacida iyo kooxda Daacish.
Hase yeeshee, iskaashiga dhanka amniga ee kala dhexeeya dowladda federaalka ayaa inta badan ahaa mid aan la isku halleyn karin, taasoo wiiqday dadaalladii qaran ee la-dagaallanka argagixisada.
Dal maraya marxalad kala-guur ah
Xilliga ay booqashadani ku soo aadday ayaa hoosta ka xarriiqaysa sida ay muhiim ugu tahay xaaladda taagan. Soomaaliya waxay wajahaysaa isku-dhaf caqabado ah oo isugu jira fadhiidnimo siyaasadeed, amni-darro, iyo dhibaatooyin bani’aadannimo.
Xiisadihii ugu dambeeyay ee u dhexeeyay Muqdisho iyo qaar ka mid ah maamullada dalka ayaa sii xoojiyay cabsida laga qabo inuu burbur ku yimaado wadajirka nidaamka federaalka. Beesha Caalamka, oo ay ugu horreeyaan Qaramada Midoobay, iyo Midowga Afrika ayaa marar badan ugu baaqay hoggaamiyeyaasha Soomaalida inay yeeshaan wada-hadal dhab ah, kana fogaadaan wax kasta oo sii murgin kara khilaafaadka.
In kasta oo uu baaxad ahaan kooban yahay, kulankani wuxuu noqon karaa tallaabo wax-ku-ool ah oo loo qaaday dhanka dib-u-soo celinta kalsoonidii ka dhaxaysay maamullada, laguna dardargelinayo geeddi-socodka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya ee is-mari-waagu ragaadiyay.
Axmed Madoobe wuxuu hoggaaminayay Jubaland tan iyo sanadkii 2013-kii. Wuxuu waayihiisa ku billaabay hoggaamiye maleeshiyo, kaddibna wuxuu isbahaysi la yeeshay ciidamada Kenya ee dagaalka kula jiray Al-Shabaab, isagoo markii dambe u gudbay hoggaanka siyaasadda. Wuxuu xilka madaxweynaha ku guuleystay markii afaraad 25-kii Nofeembar, 2024, iyadoo doorashadiisa ay hareeyeen muran iyo diidmo ay ka muujisay dowladda federaalka.
Siciid Cabdullaahi Deni, oo ah madaxweynaha Puntland tan iyo 8-dii Jannaayo, 2019, wuxuu hore usoo noqday wasiirka qorsheynta Soomaaliya. Waxaa dib loo doortay 8-dii Febraayo, 2024, wuxuuna si weyn ugu ololeeyaa hirgelinta federaal dastuuri ah iyo in la xoojiyo awoodaha ismaamul ee gobollada.
Tehran (Caasimada Online) – Hoggaamiyaha sare ee Iiraan, Ayatollah Cali Khamenei, ayaa hadda la taliyeyaashiisa iyo taliyeyaasha ciidamada la hadla isagoo isticmaalaya kaaliye uu si buuxda ugu kalsoon yahay, Sida ay New York Times u sheegeen saddex sarkaal oo Iiraani, kuwaas oo si dhow ula socda qorshayaashiisa degdegga ah ee dagaalka. Tallaabadan ayaa lagu macneeyay mid looga gaashaamanayo isku day dil, iyadoo gabi ahaanba la joojiyay isgaarsiinta elektarooniga ah si ay u adkaato in la helo goobta uu ku sugan yahay.
Ayatollah Cali Khamenei, oo ku jira qol difaac adag oo dhulka hoostiisa ah (bunker), ayaa si taxaddar leh u magacaabay shaqsiyaad kala duwan oo beddeli doona silsiladda hoggaanka ciidankiisa, haddii ay dhacdo in la dilo saraakiil kale, iyada oo mas’uuliyiintu sheegeen in uu sidoo kale magacaabay saddex wadaad oo sare kuwaasoo uu xusay in loo dooran karo beddelkiisa haddii uu isagu dhinto—arrin muujinaysa culeyska iyo xaaladda adag ee hoggaamintiisu wajahayso.
Tan iyo markii Israel ay Jimcihii 13-kii June ay billowday weerarro lama filaan ah, Ayatollah Khamenei wuxuu qaaday tallaabooyin aan horay loo arag si uu u ilaaliyo jiritaanka Jamhuuriyadda Islaamiga ah ee Iran.
Inkasta oo dagaalku socdo toddobaad keliya, weerarrada Israel ayaa noqday kuwa ugu xooggan ee lagu qaado Iran tan iyo dagaalkii Iran iyo Ciraaq ee 1980-meeyadii. Waxa ay si gaar ah u saameeyeen caasimadda Tehran oo ay ka dhigeen meel si daran loo beegsaday. Mas’uuliyiintu waxay sheegeen in waxyeellada Israel ka geysatay Tehran maalmo gudahood ay ka weyntahay middii Saddam Hussein geystay siddeed sano oo dagaal ah.
Iiraan waxay u muuqataa inay ka soo kabsatay naxdintii bilowga ahayd, iyadoo dib isku abaabushay si ay u qaaddo weerarro celis ah oo maalinle ah oo ay ku hayso Israa’iil, iyadoo beegsatay isbitaallo, warshadda sifaynta saliidda ee Haifa, goobo cibaado iyo guryo rayid ah.
Sida ay sheegayaan saraakiisha Iiraan, kuwaas oo codsaday inaan la magacaabin sababtoo ah looma ogolayn inay si furan uga hadlaan qorshaha Ayatollah, saraakiisha sarsare ee Iiraan waxa ay sidoo kale si aamusnaan ah ugu diyaar garoobayaan noocyo kala duwan oo natiijooyin ah iyadoo dagaalku sii xoogaysanayo iyo iyadoo Madaxweyne Trump uu ka fekerayo inuu dagaalka soo galo.
Awoodda Iiraan oo wali shaqaynaysa
Inkasta oo uu adagtahay in si toos ah loo fahmo waxa ka socda gudaha hoggaanka Iran, haddana ilo-wareedyo iyo diblomaasiyiin ku sugan Tehran ayaa sheegaya in silsiladdii amarka dowladdu ay wali shaqaynayso, inkasta oo lagu dhuftay dhaawacyo halis ah. Ilaa hadda, ma jiraan calaamado muujinaya khilaaf ama kala qaybsanaan siyaasadeed oo ka dhex muuqda maamulka.
Ayatollah Khamenei, oo 86 sano jir ah, waxa uu si buuxda uga warqabaa in Israel ama Mareykanku isku dayi karaan in ay dilaan—arrin uu isagu u arko shahidnimo haddii ay dhacdo. Sidaas darteed, waxa uu amray Golaha Khubarada (Assembly of Experts) ee magacaaba hoggaamiyaha sare, inay si degdeg ah mid ka mid ah saddexda musharrax ee uu magacaabay uga doortaan beddelkiisa haddii loo baahdo.
Saddexda musharax ayaa ah kuwa sir ah, oo aan magacyadooda la hayn sababo amni dartood.
Caadi ahaan, doorashada hoggaamiye cusub waxay qaadan kartaa bilo, iyadoo wadaaddada sare ay ka doortaan magacyo kala duwan. Balse iyadoo Iran ay haatan dagaal ku jirto, Khamenei wuxuu doonayaa in isbeddelka hoggaanka uu noqdo mid degdeg ah oo nidaamsan si uu u xaqiijiyo dhaxal uu ka tago.
“Mudnaanta ugu weyn ee ay Iran leedahay waqtigan waa badbaadinta nidaamka dawliga ah,” ayuu yiri Vali Nasr, khabiir ku takhasusay arrimaha Iran kana tirsan Jaamacadda Johns Hopkins. “Go’aannada hadda la qaadanayo waa kuwo xisaabsan oo ku dhisan dan qaran.”
Mawduuca beddelka Ayatollah Khamenei waxa uu muddo dheer ahaa arrin xasaasi ah, marar dhif ahna si fagaare ah ayaa looga hadlaa. Hoggaamiyaha sare ee Iran waxa uu leeyahay awood buuxda oo ka saameyn badan qeybaha sharci-dejinta, garsoorka, fulinta, iyo sidoo kale hoggaanka ugu sarreeya ee ciidamada qalabka sida. Waxa uu sidoo kale yahay Vali Faqih—ilaaliyaha ugu sarreeya ee madhabta Shiicada.
Mas’uuliyiintu waxay sheegeen in wiilkiisa Mojtaba Khamenei, oo xiriir dhow la leh Ilaalada Kacaanka (Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps), uusan ka mid ahayn musharraxiinta. Madaxweynihii hore ee ra’yi xagjirka ahaa, Ibrahim Raisi, oo horey loogu saadaalinayay in uu beddeli karo Khamenei, ayaa ku dhintay shil diyaaradeed sanadkii 2024.
Tan iyo markii uu dagaalku bilowday, Khamenei wuxuu laba jeer muuqaal duuban kula hadlay shacabka isaga oo fadhiyay xafiis la shaashadeeyay, calanka Iran-na dhinac yaal. “Shacabka Iran marna ma aqbali doonaan dagaal lagu soo rogay,” ayuu yiri isagoo ballan qaaday inaan la is dhiibayn.
Isagoo caadi ahaan ku nool xarun si weyn loo ilaaliyo oo ku taalla bartamaha Tehran lana yiraahdo Beit Rahbari (Guriga Hoggaamiyaha), Khamenei ma bixi karo marar badan, waxaana saraakiisha sare ay ugu yimaadaan kulammo toddobaadle ah.
Haddana, u guuristiisa god-hoostiisa waxay muujinaysaa sida ay Tehran ugu jirto xaalad dagaal oo dhab ah, taasoo mas’uuliyiinta Iran ku tilmaameen mid ka dhacaysa laba jiho.
Iiraan oo ku jirta dagaal laba jiho ah
Jiho kowaad waa weerarada cirka ah ee Israel ku qaadday saldhigyada milatari, xarumaha nukliyeerka, kaabayaal tamareed, iyo xitaa saynisyahano iyo saraakiil lagu dilay guryahooda ku yaalla xaafado ciriiri ah. Taliyayaal badan oo sare ayaa hal mar lagu laayay.
Boqolaal qof ayaa la dilay kumannaan kalena waa dhaawacmeen—rayid ayaana lagu laayay guud ahaan dalka, sida ay sheegayaan kooxaha u dooda xuquuqda aadanaha ee gudaha iyo dibadda.
Dhinaca kale, Iran waxay sheegtay in dagaal labaad uu ka socda gudaha dalka, iyadoo howlgalayaal Israeli ah iyo la-hawlgalayaal kuwa maxalli ah ay qaraxyo iyo diyaarad-drones ah la beegsanayaan xarumo muhiim ah. Cabsi xoog leh oo laga qabo in la dhexgalay hay’adaha amniga iyo sirdoonka ayaa gaartay ilaa xafiiska Khamenei.
“Waa cadahay in ay naga dhacday jab amni iyo sirdoon aad u weyn—taasi lama dafiri karo,” ayuu yiri Mahdi Mohammadi, la-taliye sare oo u dhow guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka, Gen. Mohammad Ghalibaf, isagoo ku hadlayay duubis uu falanqaynayay dagaalka. “Taliyayaashayadii ugu sareeyay waxa la wada laayay muddo saacad gudaheed ah.”
Wuxuu intaas ku daray in guuldarradii ugu weynayd ay ahayd in aan la ogaan qorshaha dheer ee Israel ku soo gelisay gantaallada iyo qalabka drones-ka ee lagu qaaday dalka.
Mas’uuliyiintu waxay sheegeen in Iran ay hadda diiradda saaraysay saddex arrimood oo muhiim ah: isku day dilka Ayatollah Khamenei, suuragalnimada Maraykanka oo dagaalka ku soo biiro, iyo weerarro ba’an oo lagu beegsanayo kaabeyaasha muhiimka ah sida warshadaha tamarta, saliidda, gaaska iyo biyo-xireennada.
Haddii Mareykanku ku biiro dagaalka, khatarta waxa ay noqonaysaa mid aad u sareysa. Inkasta oo Israel ay sheegtay in ay doonayso burburinta barnaamijka nukliyeerka Iran, haddana khubaradu waxay sheegeen in keliya Mareykanka uu leeyahay diyaarado iyo bambooyin miisaankoodu gaarayo 30,000 rodol kuwaasoo gaari kara godadka buuraleyda ee xarunta ugu muhiimsan ee Fordo.
Iran waxay ku hanjabtay inay beegsan doonto bartilmaameedyo Mareykan ah oo ku sugan gobolka, balse arrintaasi waxay u horseedi kartaa dagaal sii fida oo masiibo kale u keena Iran iyo cidda ay la dagaallamayso.
Cabsida dilka iyo basaasnimada ayaa gaartay heer ay Wasaaradda Sirdoonka Iran ku dhawaaqday amarro cusub, oo ay ku jirto in la joojiyo isticmaalka telefoonada iyo qalabka elektaroonigga ah. Waxa kale oo la faray dhammaan saraakiisha sare ee dowladda iyo ciidamada in ay ka shaqeeyaan god-hoosaadyo.
Maalin kasta, Wasaaradda Sirdoonka ama Ciidanka Qalabka Sida waxay soo saaraan digniino dadweynaha lagu wargelinayo in ay soo sheegaan qof ama gaari looga shakiyo, isla markaana laga fogaado sawiridda ama duubista weerarrada ka dhacaya goobaha xasaasiga ah.
Suuqan saamiyada ayaa ganacsatada u sahlaya in ay helaan raasamaal ballaaran si ay u kobciyaan ganacsigooda, halka shacabka Soomaaliyeedna uu siinayo fursad ay ku maalgashadaan oo ay saamiyo furan ku yeeshaan shirkadaha gudaha iyo kuwa caalamiga ahba, meel kasta oo ay joogaan. Sidoo kale, suuqani waxa uu fursad siinayaa shirkadaha caalamiga ah inay isdiiwaangeliyaan, si ay u helaan saamilay Soomaali ah.
Arrintan waxay astaan u tahay hannaan rasmi ah oo dhiirrigelinaya maalgelinta, horumarinta bulshada, iyo koboca dhaqaale ee waara. Hadda fursaddu waa caddahay, maadaama la daahfuray Suuqa Saamiyada – waana waqtigii ay Soomaaliya si dhab ah uga mid noqon lahayd isbeddelka iyo horumarka ka socda gobolka Geeska Afrika.
Kismaayo (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynaha dowlad goboleedka Jubaland Axmed Maxamed Islaam (Axmed Madoobe) oo maalin kahor ku laabtay magaalada Kismaayo ee xarunta gobolka Jubada Hoose ayaa isa markiiba bilaabay dhaq-dhaqaaq culus oo ka dhan ah dowladda dhexe.
Axmed Madoobe oo uu haatan khilaaf xooggan kala dhexeeyo Madaxweyne Xasan ayaa maanta guddoomiyay kulan gaar ah oo ay yeesheen Golaha Wasiirada Jubaland, kaas oo diiradda loogu saaray xaaladda siyaasadeed ee dalka, gaar ahaan khilaafka culus ee taagan.
Inta uu socday kulankan ayaa waxaa lagu falanqeeyay aragtida Jubaland ee la xiriirta dib-u-eegista Dastuurka iyo hannaanka doorashooyinka 2026, iyada oo qoraal kasoo baxay shirka lagu sheegay qaabka ay hadda wax u socdaan aanay ka tarjumayn rabitaanka shacabka Soomaaliyeed, maadaama ay hal dhinac wax ku socdaan.
Sidoo kale Axmed Madoobe iyo golihiisa wasiirada ayaa isku raacay in ay muhiim tahay in la qabto shirweyne qaran oo loo dhan yahay, si loo gaari xal siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay.
“Golahu Wuxuu isku raacay in go’aamada masiiriga ah ee dalka aan lagu gaari karin hannaan cid gaar ahi hagayso, balse ay lagama maarmaan tahay in lagu gaaro shirweyne Qaran oo loo dhan yahay, si loo dhiso jihada siyaasadeed ee dalka kuna salaysnaato heshiis guud iyo kalsooni wadajir ah” ayaa lagu yiri bayaan kasoo baxay shirka Axmed Madoobe.
Waxaa kale oo kulanka lagu soo qaaday farogelin ay Jubaland sheegtay in dowladda federaalka ay ka waddo Gobolka Gedo, iyada oo laga digay khatar ka imaan karta halkaasi, taas oo waxyeeleyn karta nabadgelyada, wadajirka bulshada iyo xasilloonida deegaanka.
Ugu dambeyn Golaha Wasiirada Jubaland ayaa isla gartay in la dardar-geliyo hirgelinta hannaan casri ah oo lagu xaqiijinayo dabagal, isla xisaabtan, iyo korjoogteyn joogto ah oo ku saabsan mashaariicda dowladda, si loo hubiyo in mashaariicdu u dhacaan si hufan, loogana dhaxlo natiijooyin muuqda oo wax ku ool u ah shacabka.
Jubaland ayaa waxaa haatan khilaaf xooggan uu kala dhexeeyaa Villa Soomaaliya, kaas oo bannaanka usoo baxay kadib dib u doorashadii Axmed Madoobe oo ay ku gacan seertay dowladda federaalka, waxaana kadib meesha ka baxay wada shaqeyntii labada dhinac.
Tallaabada ay haatan qaaday Jubaland ayaa kusoo aadeyso, xilli ay socdaan dhaq-dhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed oo xoogleh, kuwaas oo u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo mucaaradka dalka, waxaana haatan loo ballansan yahay wada-hadallo lagu raadinayo xal siyaasadeed oo dhab, si wadajir loogu wajaho arrimaha masiiriga ah ee dalka.
GAROWE, Somalia — Jubbaland President Ahmed Mohamed Islam, widely known as Ahmed Madobe, is set to visit Puntland’s capital, Garowe, this week for a high-level meeting with Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni, amid growing political uncertainty in Somalia, sources told Caasimada Online.
The visit, confirmed by sources close to both administrations, aims to bolster ties between the two federal member states and coordinate on national issues, particularly Somalia’s ongoing electoral disputes and worsening security situation.
The scheduled talks are expected to enhance intergovernmental cooperation, restore political trust, and address the broader challenges facing Somalia’s federal structure.
“The meeting between Presidents Madobe and Deni is crucial for aligning regional strategies and presenting a united stance on key national matters,” a Puntland official told Caasimada Online, speaking on condition of anonymity.
The two leaders are longtime allies in advocating for a decentralized federal system, and their coordination is seen as a potential counterweight to the federal government’s growing centralization efforts in Mogadishu.
Election stalemate
At the heart of the talks lies Somalia’s protracted electoral deadlock. Disagreements between the federal government and member states over the electoral framework, constitutional amendments, and power-sharing have stalled political progress and triggered renewed mistrust.
Both Madobe and Deni have publicly criticized President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration for what they view as top-down decision-making that marginalizes regional voices.
Analysts suggest this meeting could help forge a common position on election modalities and reinforce the call for a more inclusive, consensus-based political process.
The two regional states also share serious security concerns. Both Puntland and Jubbaland border key conflict zones and have been on the front lines in the fight against the al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab militant group.
Yet coordination with the federal government on security matters has often faltered, weakening national counterterrorism efforts. By strengthening regional security collaboration, Madobe and Deni may aim to fill operational gaps left by inconsistent federal engagement.
A country at a crossroads
The timing of the visit underscores its urgency. Somalia faces a complex mix of political paralysis, security instability, and humanitarian challenges, including displacement driven by climate shocks and conflict.
Recent tensions between Mogadishu and various regional administrations have heightened fears of a breakdown in federal cohesion. International partners, including the United Nations and the African Union, have called on Somali leaders to pursue genuine dialogue and avoid deepening divisions.
Though limited in scope, this meeting could mark a critical step toward re-establishing inter-regional trust and reinvigorating Somalia’s stalled political transition.
Ahmed Madobe has led Jubbaland since 2013. He began as a militia commander, later allied with Kenyan forces in the fight against al-Shabaab, and transitioned into political leadership. He secured his fourth term as president on November 25, 2024, amid controversy and federal objection.
Said Abdullahi Deni, Puntland’s president since January 8, 2019, previously served as Somalia’s planning minister. He was re-elected on February 8, 2024, and advocated for constitutional federalism and enhanced regional autonomy.
Garoowe (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynaha maamul-goboleedka Puntland, Mudane Saciid Cabdullahi Deni ayaa lagu soo warramayaa in kulan deg-deg ah ah uu isugu yeeray mas’uuliyiinta maamukaasi, kaas oo looga hadlayo xaaladaha ka jira deegaanada Puntland.
Sida ay ogaatay Caasimada Online kulankan ayaa qabsoomi doono Talaadada todobaadkan, wuxuuna ka dhacayaa xarunta madaxtooyada Puntland ee Garoowe, sida ay innoo xaqiijiyeen ilo wareedyo xilkas ah.
Wararka ayaa intaasi kusii daray in loo yeeray dhammaan guddoomiyeyaasha gobollada iyo kuwa degmooyinka, kuwaas oo lagu wargeliyay inay si buuxdo usoo xaadiraan shirka.
Sida qorshuhu yahay Madaxweyne Saciid Deni ayaa warbixin siin doono mas’uuliyiintan, isaga oo sidoo kale kala hadli doono xaaladda Puntland iyo dagaalka kooxda Daacish.
Waxaa kale oo lasoo warinayaa in suuragal yahay in kulankan ay ka qayb-galaan madax kale oo sar sare, isla markaana lagu soo qaado khilaafka haatan Puntland kala dhexeeyo dowladda Soomaaliya.
Deni ayaa wada abaabul xooggan, isaga oo haatan diiradda saaraya dagaalka kooxda Daacisha ee buuraha gobolka Bari, kaas oo guullo waawayn ay kasoo hoyeen ciidamada Puntand, waxaa kale oo jira in arrimaha siyaasadda uu karkarinayo, maadaama ay is hayaan Madaxweyne Xasan iyo Ra’iisul wasaare Xamza.
Dhowaan waxaa jirtay Muqdisho ay yimaadeen qaar kamid ah hoggaanka ururada siyaasadeed ee Puntland, kuwaas oo ka qayb-galay gogoshii uu dhigay Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, xilli uu horay u diiday Madaxweynaha Puntland oo gebi ahaan qaadacay shirarka dowladda dhexe.
Arrimaha ayaa sii xoojinayo xiisadda u dhexeysa labada dhinac, taas oo saameyn toos ah ku yeelatay wada shaqeyntii Garoowe iyo Muqdisho oo gebi ahaanba meesha ka baxday.
Si kastaba ha ahaatee lama sida ay wax noqon doonan waxaase laga war sugayaa natiijada shirarka ka socda Muqdisho iyo Garoowe oo diiradda lagu saarayo arrimaha gudaha dalka.
Wariye Xuseen Cabdulle Maxamed ayaa loo magacaabay Agaasimaha Waaxda Warfaafinta ee Gobolka Banaadir, iyada oo xilalkii laga qaaday Xasan Cali Cabdiraxmaan iyo Cabdinaasir Xirsi Iidle.
Sidoo kale Wariye Farxiya Maxamed Yuusuf, ayaa iyadana loo magacaabay madaxa TV-ga ee Waaxda Warfaafinta Gobolka Banaadir.
Wariye Jacfar Maxamed Cali, ayaa isna loo magacaabay Madaxa Idaacada ee Waaxda Warfaafinta Gobolka Banaadir.
Guddoomiyaha Gobolka Banaadir ayaa dhammaan mas’uuliyiinta uu magacaabay u rajeeyay in ay dardargeliyaan howlaha shaqo ee Waaxda Warfaafinta Gobolka Banaadir.
Isbeddelkan ayaa qayb ka ah tallaabooyin dheeraad oo uu haatan wado Muungaab oo horay xilalkii uga qaaday guddoomiyeyaal degmo, isaga oo magacaabay kuwa kale oo cusub oo durbo xilalka la wareegay, waxaana arrintan ay qayb ka tahay qorshihiisa horumarineed ee caasimada.
Xasan Maxamed Xuseen (Muungaab) ayaa si dardar leh u shaqeynayey tan iyo markii uu xilka la wareegay, waxaana lagu tilmaamay nin aad u garanaya shaqada loo dhiibay iyo hoggaaminta gobolka.
Si kastaba ahaatee, Muungaab ayaa xilkan horay usoo qabtay waxaana guddoomiyaha gobolka Banaadir ahna Duqa Muqdisho loo magacaabay sannadkii 2014, isaga oo intii uu hayay ku guuleystay hirgelinta qorsheyaal dib-u-habeyn ah oo lagu hagaajinayay maamul-wanaagga, nadaafadda magaalada, iyo amniga Muqdisho.
Waxaa kale oo uu horay usoo noqday guddoomiyaha Maxkamadda Ciidamada Qalabka Sida, isaga oo xilligaas caan ku noqday adkeynta sharciga iyo la dagaalanka dambiyada la xiriira amniga qaranka.
Addis-Ababa (Caasimada Online) — Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya, Abiy Axmed, oo mar loo arkayay inuu yahay isbeddel-doon iyo xasiliyaha gobolka, ayaa hadda wajahaya dhaleecayn sii kordhaysa oo la xiriirta siyaasaddiisa arrimaha dibadda ee Badda Cas iyo Geeska Afrika, taasoo ah mid dhiirranaan leh balse sii kordhinaysa qalalaasaha. Falanqeeyayaashu Itoobiya waxay ka digayaan in siyaasaddani ay wiiqday saamayntii Itoobiya, kana soocday dunida inteeda kale diblomaasiyad ahaan, isla markaana ay halis gelisay danaha asaasiga ah ee qaranka.
Tan iyo markii uu xukunka la wareegay sannadkii 2018-kii, Abiy waxa uu dib u qaabeeyey xaaladda Itoobiya ee ah waddan aan bad lahayn, isagoo ku tilmaamay dhibaato “jiritaanka halis gelinaysa.” Ololihiisa gardarrada ah ee uu ku doonayo inuu ku helo marin badeed—oo si weyn uga duwan diblomaasiyaddii taxaddarka lahayd ee hoggaamiyeyaashii isaga ka horreeyay—ayaa kiciyey deriskiisa waxayna xiisadaha gobolka gaarsiiyeen heerkii ugu sarreeyay ee abid ugu halista badnaa.
“Baahida Itoobiya u qabto deked waa mid dhab ah,” ayuu yiri Surafel Getahun, oo ah falanqeeye arrimaha Geeska Afrika. “Laakiin sida uu Abiy u maray—oo ahayd tallaabooyin hal dhinac ah oo khatar badan iyo hadallo iska hor imaad kicinaya—waxay dalka ka dhigtay mid ka nugul oo ka go’doonsan sidii hore.”
Heshiis dib u dhac keenay: Is-afgaradkii Somaliland (MoU)
Tallaabadii ugu muranka badnayd waxay timid bishii Jannaayo 2024, markaasoo Itoobiya ay Is-afgarad (Memorandum of Understanding – MoU) la saxiixatay Somaliland—gobol iskiis madaxbannaani ugu dhawaaqay oo ka tirsan Soomaaliya. Heshiiskan, oo ay Itoobiya ku bixin lahayd aqoonsi suurtagal ah oo ay siinayso madaxbannaanida Somaliland, waxay ku helaysay kiro 20 kilomitir oo xeeb ah muddo 50 sano ah si ay uga dhisto saldhig ciidan badeed iyo inay hesho marin deked ganacsi.
Canbaaraynta ka dhalatay heshiiskaas waxay ahayd mid degdeg ah oo aad u daran.
Soomaaliya waxay heshiiska ku tilmaantay duullaan toos ah oo lagu qaaday madaxbannaanideeda, waxayna u yeeratay safiirkeedii, iyadoo arrinta horgeysay Midowga Afrika (African Union), Qaramada Midoobay (United Nations), iyo Ururka Jaamacadda Carabta (Arab League).
Midowga Afrika wuxuu ku celiyay taageeradiisa midnimada dhuleed ee Soomaaliya, halka Masar iyo dalalka Khaliijka, oo ka walaacsan dardarta sii kordhaysa ee Itoobiya, ay walaac ka muujiyeen saamaynta xasilooni-darrada ah ee uu heshiisku keeni karo.
“Intii uu furi lahaa fursado cusub, is-afgaradkii Somaliland wuxuu kiciyay duufaan diblomaasiyadeed,” ayuu yiri Getahun. “Wuxuu Itoobiya ka fogeeyay deris muhiim ah, wuxuu la kulmay cambaarayn ballaaran, mana u keenin wax faa’iido istiraatiiji ah oo cad.”
Halkii uu ka xoojin lahaa qadiyadda aqoonsi-raadinta ee Somaliland, heshiisku wuxuu daaha ka rogay go’doonkeeda. Dhanka kale, dedaalka Itoobiya ee ay ugu jirto helitaanka dekedo kale ayaa shaki geliyey Jabuuti—oo ah marinka ganacsigeeda ugu weyn—wuxuuna sababay in kormeerayaasha gobolka iyo kuwa caalamkuba ay ka digaan halista colaad hor leh oo ka qaraxda Geeska Afrika.
Xiriirka sii xumaanaya ee Eritrea iyo Jabuuti
Heshiiskii nabadeed ee Abiy uu la galay Eritrea sannadkii 2018-kii, oo markii hore loo arkayay mid taariikhi ah, ayaa abuuray rajo ah in xiriirku caadi noqdo lana helo marin Badda Cas ah oo laga sii maro dekedaha Casab ama Massawa. Laakiin xiriirkaasi si dhakhso ah ayuu u xumaaday.
Faragelintii milateri ee Eritrea ee dagaalkii Tigray, oo ay garab kaga siisay ciidamada Itoobiya, ayaa dhalisay cambaarayn caalami ah waxayna sii dhaawacday sumcaddii caalamiga ahayd ee Itoobiya. Ciidamada Eritrea ayaa weli ku sugan meel u dhow xudduudda Itoobiya, rajadii laga qabay in dekedo laga helo ayaana hadda u muuqata mid aad u fog.
“Wixii ku bilowday nabad lagu mutaystay abaalmarinta Nobel waxay isu beddeshay culays istiraatiiji ah,” ayuu yiri Getahun. “Asmara weli kalsooni-darro weyn ayay qabtaa, rajadii Itoobiya ee dekedaha Eritrea gebi ahaanba way meesha ka baxday.”
Saamaynta ka dhalatay damaca Abiy ee Badda Cas ayaa dhaafsiisan Soomaaliya iyo Eritrea.
Jabuuti—oo hadda maamusha in ka badan 95% ganacsiga Itoobiya—waxaa ka shakisay dedaallada Itoobiya ee dhanka Somaliland. Jabuuti, oo ahaan jirtay saaxiib la isku halleyn karo, waxay bilowday inay kala duwato macaamiisheeda, iyadoo yaraynaysa ku tiirsanaanteeda xamuulka Itoobiya si ay uga gaashaamato hubanti la’aan siyaasadeed oo dheeraad ah.
Dalka Suudaan, dagaalka sokeeye wuxuu gebi ahaanba xiray jidkii Dekedda Port Sudan. In kasta oo aanay tani toos uga dhalan siyaasadda Itoobiya, haddana xasilooni-darradu waxay meesha ka saartay marin muhiim ah oo kale waxayna abuurtay khataro cusub oo dhinaca ammaanka ah oo ka jira xudduudda waqooyi-galbeed ee Itoobiya.
Gudaha dalka, ciidanka Itoobiya weli waa mid aad u fidsan oo daallan. Dagaalkii ba’naa ee Tigray, oo cunay awood milateri iyo mid siyaasadeed oo aad u weyn, waxaa xigay rabshado cusub oo ka qarxay deegaannada Amxaarada iyo Oromada.
“Itoobiya waxay la tacaalaysaa dabab badan oo gudaha ah iyadoo isku dayaysa inay awooddeeda dibadda ku muujiso—taasina waa khatar,” ayuu ka digay Getahun. “Waxay wiiqaysaa awoodda dalka uu gobolka ku hoggaamin karo ama uu ku difaaci karo danihiisa ballaaran.”
Doorkii soo jireenka ahaa ee Itoobiya ee ahaa tiirka amniga Geeska Afrika—oo ay ku jiraan hawlgallada la dagaallanka argagixisada ee Soomaaliya—ayaa hoos u dhacay. Qalalaasaha gudaha ayaa xaddiday awooddeeda ay kaga qayb qaadan karto hawlgallada nabad-ilaalinta ee dhinacyada badan leh ama dedaallada xasilinta gobolka.
Istaraatiijiyad iskeed isu wiiqaysa
Falanqeeyayaashu waxay ka digayaan in habka Abiy uu wiiqayo hadafyadii loo qorsheeyay inuu gaaro.
Go’doon diblomaasiyadeed: Siyaasadda gardarrada ah ee Itoobiya waxay ka fogaysay deris muhiim ah waxayna daciifisay codkeeda wada-xaajoodyada muhiimka ah—laga soo bilaabo wada-hadallada biyo-xireenka GERD ee Masar ilaa heshiisyada ganacsiga gobolka.
Xiisado sii kordhaya: Heshiisku wuxuu sare u qaaday xiisadda kala dhaxaysa Soomaaliya wuxuuna horseeday loollan cusub oo gobolka ah, iyadoo Masar iyo dalalka Khaliijku ay ka faa’iidaysanayaan khilaafaadka Itoobiya.
Culays milateri oo xad-dhaaf ah: Ballanqaadyada milateri ee jihooyin badan—gudaha iyo dibaddaba—ayaa daciifinaya awoodda Itoobiya ay si wax-ku-ool ah ugu maareyso khataraha.
Sumcad-xumo: Itoobiya, oo mar loo arkayay xasiliye gobolka, ayaa hadda si isa soo taraysa loogu arkaa inay tahay awood xasilooni-darro wadda oo ka baxsan xeerarka caalamiga ah.
“Itoobiya waxay bixinaysaa qiime sare oo ku wajahan istaraatiijiyad loogu talagalay in lagu sugo mustaqbalkeeda,” ayuu yiri Getahun. “Intii ay ballaarin lahayd saamaynteeda, way wiiqday.”
Maamulladii hore ee Itoobiya—in kasta oo ay si isku mid ah uga warqabeen baahida loo qabo dekedaha—waxay doorteen habab taxaddar badan. Waxay ka shaqeeyeen hay’adaha gobolka sida Midowga Afrika (AU) iyo Urur-goboleedka IGAD, waxay xiriir deggan la lahaayeen Jabuuti, waxayna raadinayeen guulo aayar-socod ah oo aan buuq lahayn halkii ay ka raadin lahaayeen heshiisyo waaweyn oo warbaahinta qabsada.
“Digniino kama dambays ah iyo keli-talisnimo ayaa astaan u ah siyaasadda Abiy,” ayuu yiri Getahun. “Laakiin iyadoo dalku wajahayo xasilooni-darro gudaha ah oo qoto dheer, tani waa xilligii loo baahnaa diblomaasiyad, ee aan loo baahnayn qarka-saarnaan.”
Gunaanad: Qaran ku dhex lumay biyo qallafsan
Istaraatiijiyadda Badda Cas ee Itoobiya ee uu hoggaamiyo Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Axmed waxay noqotay tusaale muujinaya xad-gudub. Waxa ku billaabatay isku-day geesinimo leh oo lagu xallinayo caqabad qaran oo muhiim ah, waxay dad badan isku raacsan yihiin inay dalka gelisay xaalad ka sii halis badan.
“Hirarka istiraatiijiga ah ee Badda Cas waa kuwo qallafsan,” ayuu kusoo gabagabeeyay Getahun. “Itoobiyana, hagidda ay hadda ku socoto, waxay halis ugu jirtaa inay ka sii fogaato badqabka—kuna sii dhacdo dhibaato qoto dheer.”
Falanqeeyayaashu waxay sheegayaan in dib u hanashada saamayntii luntay ay u baahan tahay in lagu laabto diblomaasiyadda dhinacyada badan leh, dib-u-habeyn lagu sameeyo xiriirka deriska, iyo in diiradda la saaro midnimada gudaha. Haddii aan isbeddelkaasi la samayn, qaranku wuxuu isku arki karaa isagoon deked lahayn oo keliya, balse sidoo kale aan lahayn jiheeye.
Afgooye (Caasimada Online) – Wararka naga soo gaaraya gobolka Shabeellaha Hoose ayaa sheegaya in maanta ciidamada dowladda iyo kuwa howlgalka AUSSOM oo qaaday howlgal culus ay la wareegeen deegaanka Sabiid iyo Caanoole oo indhowaanahan ay ku sugnaayeen Al-Shabaab.
Ciidamada huwanta ayaa dagaal adag la galay Al-Shabaab, kadibna waxa ay ka faramaroojiyeen deegaankaasi oo ah mid istaraatiiji ah oo u dhow degmada Afgooye.
Labada dhinac ayaa isku adeegsaday hubka noocyadiisa kala duwan, iyada oo mar dambe laga adkaaday maleeshiyaadka Al-Shabaab oo jab culus lagu gaarsiisyay dagaalka.
Guddoomiyaha maamulka gobolka Shabeellaha Hoose, Ibraahim Aadan Cali (Najax) oo shir jaraa’id qabtay ayaa ka warbixiyay xaaladda deegaanka, wuxuuna sheegay inay si buuxdo gacanta ugu hayaan ciidamada Xoogga iyo kuwa dowladda Uganda ee ku sugan halkaas.
Najax ayaa u hambalyeeyay ciidamada qabtay Sabiid iyo Canoole, isaga oo sheegay inay sii socon doonaan howlgallada xoreynta ee gobolka.
“Marka ugu horreyso waxaan rabaa inaan halkan uga hambalyeeyo ciidamada qaranka iyo saaxibada kale ee ka socda dowlada Uganda ee runtii maanta gacanta ku dhigay, kana sifeeyay deegaanka Sabiid iyo Caanoole ee degmada Afgooye kooxda Khawaarijta ah oo muddooyinkii ugu dambeeyay shacabka ku dhibaateynaayay halkaasi” ayuu yiri Najax.
Sidoo kale wuxuu ballan qaaday in ka maamul ahaan ay hormuud u noqon doonaan dagaallada Shabeellaha Hoose looga xoreynayo argagixisada, ayna garab siin doonaan ciidamada.
“Annaga haddaa nahay maamulka gobolka waxaan ballan qaadeynaa in geedaha hoostooda iyo meel walbaba aan u tagi doono, aana la howlgeli doono ciidamada” ayuu sii raaciyay.
Waxaa kale oo uu farriin culus u diray dadka deegaanka, isaga oo ugu baaqay inay qaataan doorkooda, ayna u istaagaan sidii gobolka looga saari lahaa maleeshiyaadka Al-Shabaab.
“Sidaas si lamid ah waxaan rabaa inaan baaq u diro shacabka ku nool gobolka Shabeellaha Hoose ogaada dalkiinii waxaa jooga ka dagaalamayaa nolol idin diidan koox Khawaarij ah oo weligeeda soo jirtay oo kaliya taqaano is la’iska celiyo” ayuu markale yiri gudoomiyuhu.
Shabeellaha Hoose ayaa kamid ah meelaha ay ku xoogan tahay kooxda Shabaab, waxaana badanaa ay kasoo abaabushaa weerarada tooska ah iyo kuwa qaraxyada ay ka fuliso gudaha caasimada waxaase hadda ka socda guluf culus oo looga xoreynayo gobolkaasi.
Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Illaa 10 xisbi Siyaasadeed oo ku mideysan Isbahaysiga Caddaaladda iyo Rajo Soo celinta Soomaaliyeed (ICRSOS) ayaa soo saaray bayaan culus oo ku aadan xaaladda cakiran ee dalka, gaar ahaan khilaafka ka taagan doorashooyinka 2026.
Xisbiyadan ayaa ugu horeyntii si weyn uga horyimid qodobada kasoo baxay Gogoshii Wadatashiga Qaran ee uu dhowaan magaalada Muqdisho ku qabtay Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya Mudane Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, taas oo laga soo saaray war-murtiyeed ka kooban qoddobo door ah sida: arrimaha doorashooyinka, ilaalinta midnimada dalka iyo dhamaystirka dastuurka, oo muran xooggaan ka taagan yahay.
“Gogoshu waxay isla qaadatay in doorasho dadban nooc kasta oo ay tahay aan dib loogu noqon. Iyadoo laga ambaqaadayo khibradaha dhanka dimuqraadiyaynta iyo doorashooyinka ee maamullada Somaliland iyo Puntland, gogoshu waxaa ay hoosta ka xariiqday in si deg-deg ah loo qabto doorashada dawladaha hoose ee deegaanada kale ee dalka,” ayaa lagu yiri war-murtiyeed kasoo baxay shirki uu qabtay Madaxweyne Xasan.
10-ka Xisbi ee haatan soo saaray bayaanka ayaa waxa ay cambaareyn kala dul dhaceen shirka ay Villa Soomaaliya ku qabatay magaalada Muqdisho, waxayna ku tilmaameen mid noqday sharci-darro oo ka leexday heshiisyadii siyaasadeed ee hore Ummadda Somaaliyeed u gaartay uuna isku beddalay shirkaasi madal hal xisbi isku ah.
Ururada ayaa sidoo kale ku baaqay midnimo siyaasadeed, doorasho loo dhan yahay iyo in la ilaaliyo dastuurka u yaalla dalka oo ay sheegeen inuu horay u laalay Xasan Sheekh.
Waxaa kale oo ay si adag u cambaareeyeen weeraro ay sheegeen in lagu hayo ururrada siyaasadeed ee sharciga ah iyo abuurista xisbiyo been abuur ah, sida ay hadalka u dhigeen.
Xisbiyadan ku mideysan Isbahaysiga Caddaaladda iyo Rajo Soo Celinta Soomaaliyeed (ICRS) waxa ay intaasi ku dareen in loo baahan yahay in si midnimo ah loo wajaho xaaladda taagan, si looga hortago burbur ku yimaada dowladnimada Soomaaliya.
Arrintan ayaa kusoo aadeyso, iyada oo haatan loo ballansan yahay shir kale oo ay yeelan doonaan Madaxweynaha iyo siyaasiyiinta mucaaradka ee la baxay Golaha Samatabixinta, kaas oo isna looga hadli doono is mariwaaga siyaasadeed ee ka taagan gudaha dalka.
Soomaaiya ayaa haatan ku jirto marxalad siyaasadeed oo cakiran, waxaana la’isku hayaa qorshaha Villa Somalia ay ku dooneyso qabashada doorasho qof iyo cod ah, taas oo ay walaac xooggan ka muujinayaan Puntland, Jubaland iyo syaasiyiinta mucaaradka dalka.
Tel Aviv (Caasimada Online) – Sida lagu sheegay qiyaaso hordhac ah, iska horimaadka Israa’iil ay kula jirto Iiraan ayaa dalkaas ugu kacaya boqollaal milyan oo dollar maalintii, waana kharash xaddidi kara awoodda ay Israa’iil u leedahay inay gasho dagaal muddo dheer socda.
Sida ay khubaradu sheegeen, qeybta ugu weyn ee kharashkan ayaa ah gantaallada difaaca cirka ee loo adeegsado burburinta kuwa ay soo riday Iiraan, kuwaas oo keligood ku kici kara inta u dhaxeysa tobanaan milyan ilaa $200 oo milyan maalintii. Waxaa sidoo kale kharashkaas qeyb ka ah rasaasta iyo diyaaradaha dagaalka, waxaana intaas dheer burbur baaxad leh oo soo gaaray dhismayaasha. Qiyaasaha qaar ayaa tilmaamaya in dib-u-dhiska iyo dayactirka burburka uu Israa’iil ugu kici karo ugu yaraan $400 milyan.
Saraakiisha Israa’iil ayaa sheegay in howlgalkan cusub uu socon karo labo toddobaad, halka Ra’iisul Wasaaraha, Benjamin Netanyahu, uusan muujin wax astaan ah oo uu ku joojinayo dagaalka ilaa ay Israa’iil ka xaqiijiso dhammaan hadafyadeeda. Hadafyadaas waxaa ka mid ah ciribtirka barnaamijka Nukliyeerka Iiraan, iyo sidoo kale awooddeeda soo saarista iyo keydka gantaallada baallistikada ah. Hase yeeshee, dagaalku waa mid kharash badan.
“Arrinta ugu weyn ee sida dhabta ah u go’aamin doonta kharashka dagaalka waa muddada uu soconayo,” ayay tiri Karnit Flug, guddoomiyihii hore ee Bankiga Israa’iil, haddana ah khabiir sare oo ka tirsan machadka fikirka ee Israel Democracy Institute. Flug waxay sheegtay inay aaminsan tahay in dhaqaalaha Israa’iil uu u adkeysan karo olole kooban. “Haddii uu socdo toddobaad, waa arrin,” ayay tiri. “Laakiin haddii uu gaaro labo toddobaad ama bil, markaas waa sheeko aad u kala duwan.”
Maalmihii la soo dhaafay, Iiraan waxay in ka badan 400 oo gantaal ku soo riday Israa’iil, sida ay sheegtay dowladda Israa’iil, kuwaasoo u baahan habab difaac cirka oo casri ah si loo joojiyo. Gantaallo badan waxay inta badan ka dhigan yihiin kharash badan oo ku baxa difaaca.
Nidaamka David’s Sling, oo ay si wadajir ah u horumariyeen Israa’iil iyo Mareykanka, wuxuu soo ridi karaa gantaallada riddada dhow ilaa kuwa fog, diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn (drones), iyo diyaaradaha kale. Wuxuu ku kacayaa qiyaastii $700,000 mar kasta oo la hawlgeliyo, iyadoo la adeegsanayo labo gantaal oo difaac ah, taasoo ah tirada ugu yar ee sida caadiga ah la rido, sida uu sheegay Yehoshua Kalisky, cilmi-baare sare oo ka tirsan Machadka Daraasaadka Amniga Qaranka (Institute for National Security Studies) ee fadhigiisu yahay Tel Aviv.
Arrow 3, nidaam kale oo la adeegsanayo, wuxuu difaac ka yahay gantaallada baallistikada ah ee riddada dheer, kuwaas oo gaara meel ka baxsan dulka sare ee dhulka, wuxuuna ku kacayaa qiyaastii $4 milyan halkii gantaal ee la iska celiyo, sida uu sheegay Kalisky. Nooc ka duugsan oo loo yaqaan Arrow 2, wuxuu ku kacayaa qiyaastii $3 milyan halkii gantaal.
Kharashyada kale ee milateri waxaa ka mid ah qiimaha tobannaan diyaaradood oo dagaal, sida F-35, oo saacado badan ku jira hawada meel u jirta ilaa 1,000 mayl dhulka Israa’iil. Diyaarad kasta waxay saacaddii duulimaadka ku kacdaa qiyaastii $10,000, sida uu sheegay Kalisky. Sidoo kale, waa in lagu xisaabtamaa kharashka shidaal ku shubidda diyaaradaha iyo rasaasta, oo ay ku jiraan bambooyinka noocyadoodu yihiin JDAMs iyo MK84s.
“‘Maalin kasta, aad ayuu uga kharash badan yahay dagaalka Gaza ama kan Xisbullah. Farqiga oo dhanna wuxuu ka imaanayaa rasaasta, ha noqoto tan difaaca ama tan weerarka. Taasi waa kharashka ugu ballaaran,'” ayuu yiri Zvi Eckstein, oo madax ka ah Machadka Aaron ee Siyaasadda Dhaqaalaha ee Jaamacadda Reichman ee Israa’iil.
Sida lagu sheegay qiyaas uu sameeyay machadku, dagaal bil socda oo lala galo Iiraan wuxuu ku kici doonaa qiyaastii $12 bilyan.
Kharashka milateri ee Israa’iil ayaa kordhay tan iyo markii uu dagaalku bilowday, haddana dhaqaaleyahannadu ma saadaalinayaan hoos u dhac dhaqaale xilligan, ayuu yiri Eckstein. Qeybo badan oo ka mid ah dhaqaalaha Israa’iil ayaa hakad galay maalmihii la soo dhaafay sababo la xiriira weerarada Iiraan. Waxaa shaqada loo yeeray oo keliya shaqaalaha ka shaqeeya warshadaha nolosha muhiimka u ah, waxaana la xiray ganacsiyo badan sida maqaayadaha. Garoonka ugu weyn ee caalamiga ah ee dalka ayaa xirnaa dhowr maalmood, balse hadda waxaa loo furay duulimaadyo kooban oo dalka kusoo celinaya dadkii dibedda ku xayirnaa.
Isniintii, hay’adda qiimeynta ee S&P ayaa soo saartay falanqeyn ku saabsan khatarta ka dhalan karta xiisadda Israa’iil iyo Iiraan, laakiin ma aysan beddelin aragtideeda ku aaddan qiimeynta deynta dalkaas. Suuqyada Israa’iil ayaa Arbacadii gaaray heerkii ugu sarreeyay abid, iyagoo sii waday inay ka hormaraan jaangooyooyinka suuqyada Mareykanka inkastoo ay jirto colaadda Iiraan, taasoo muujineysa rajo ah in dagaalku ku dhammaan doono guul ay gaarto Israa’iil. Dhaqaaleyahannada qaar ayaa sheegaya in suuqyadu ay u muuqdaan inay aaminsan yihiin in dhaqaalaha Israa’iil uu muujin doono adkeysi, sidii uu sameeyay 20-kii bilood ee dagaalka Gaza uu socday.
Hase ahaatee, burburka ka dhashay weerarada gantaallada Iiraan ayaa noqon doona mid isbiirsada. Injineeradu waxay sheegeen in burburka ay geysteen gantaalaha waaweyn ee baallistikada ahi uusan ahayn mid ay arkeen tobannaankii sano ee dagaalladii hore ee Israa’iil. “Boqollaal dhisme ayaa gebi ahaanba burburay ama si weyn u waxyeelloobay, waxayna ku kici doonaan boqollaal milyan oo dollar si dib loogu dhiso ama loo dayactiro,” ayuu yiri Eyal Shalev, oo ah injineer dhisme oo loo xilsaaray qiimeynta burburka soo gaaray kaabayaasha rayidka.
Shalev wuxuu ku qiyaasay inay ku kici doonto ugu yaraan tobanaan milyan oo dollar dayactirka hal dhisme oo kuwa dhaadheer ah oo dhowaan laga dhisay bartamaha Tel Aviv, kaasoo ay saameeyeen duqeymuhu.
In ka badan 5,000 oo qof ayaa guryahooda laga daadgureeyay sababo la xiriira burburka gantaallada, qaar ka mid ahna waxaa la dejiyay hoteello ay dowladda kharashkooda bixineyso, sida ay sheegtay Agaasinka Qaran ee Diblomaasiyadda Dadweynaha ee Israa’iil (Israel’s National Public Diplomacy Directorate).
Welwelka ugu weyn ee Israa’iil wuxuu ahaa bartilmaameedsiga kaabayaasha aas-aasiga ah ee dalka. Laba weerar oo lagu qaaday warshadda saliidda ee ugu weyn Israa’iil ee waqooyiga dalka ayaa horseeday in la xiro, waxaana ku dhintay saddex ka mid ah shaqaalaha warshadda. Shaqaalaha qaarkood ee ka shaqeeya warshadaha xasaasiga ah ama muhiimka ah ayaa lagu amray maalmihii la soo dhaafay inaysan shaqada imaan, sida uu sheegay Dror Litvak, agaasimaha guud ee ManpowerGroup Israel, oo dalka ka shaqaaleysiiya in ka badan 12,000 oo qof.
Arbacadii, Taliska Difaaca Gudaha ee Israa’iil ayaa sheegay inay qeyb ahaan qaadi doonaan xayiraadda isku imaatinka—iyagoo oggolaanaya ilaa 30 qof inay isugu yimaadaan—iyo in goobaha shaqada ee dalka intiisa badan dib loo furi karo illaa iyo inta ay jirto gabbaad u dhow.
Laakiin iyadoo dugsiyadii weli xiran yihiin, waalidiin badan ayaa la daalaa dhacaya sidii ay isugu dheellitiri lahaayeen shaqada guriga laga wado iyo maaweelinta carruurtooda, xilli uu socdo olole kale oo milateri.
Ariel Markose, oo 38 jir ah, ahna madaxa istiraatiijiyadda ee hay’ad aan faa’iido doon ahayn oo Israa’iil ah, ayaa hadda wicitaannadeeda shaqo ee subaxdii ka qabata beer ku taal Jerusalem halkaas oo ay dhowr saacadood la qaadato afarteeda carruur ee yaryar. Waxay guriga ku laabataa abbaare 4-ta galabnimo waxayna sii wadataa shaqada halka ninkeedu uu la wareegayo carruurta.
“Waxaa jira qoysas gebi ahaanba culayskan la burburaya,” ayay tiri.
Sawirro muujinaya burburka Israel ka soo gaaray dagaalka
Soomaaliya waxay mar kale taagan tahay isgoys taariikhi ah—mid xambaarsan rajo horumar, midnimo, iyo dib-u-habeyn dimuoraadi ah oo muddo dheer la haminayey. Baaqii uu Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud dhawaan ku dhawaaqay, oo ahaa in Muqdisho lagu qabto shir qaran oo loo dhan yahay, wuxuu dhigay bog cusub oo muhiim ah oo ku saabsan safarka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Ujeeddada saldhigga u ah hindisahan waa mid geesinimo leh: in la hirgeliyo nidaamka “hal qof, hal cod” si ugu dambeyn shacabka Soomaaliyeed dib ugu helaan awooddii ay ku dooran lahaayeen hoggaankooda, kaddib tobannaan sano oo siyaasadda ay xukumayeen nidaamyo qabaa’il iyo awood qaybsi lagu heshiiyey.
Bilowgii, hoggaamiyeyaal badan oo mucaarad ah ayaa si diirran u soo dhaweeyay hindisaha madaxweynaha—taas oo ahayd astaan muujinaysay rajo laga qabo in dalka u gudbo marxalad wadahadal miro dhal ah. Balse rajadaas waxay noqotay mid cimri gaaban. Dhowr maalmood gudahood, qaar ka mid ah hoggaamiyeyaashii ugu horreeyay ee taageeray hindisaha ayaa ka laabtay, diidayna inay ka qaybgalaan madashii furneyd ee loogu talagalay in lagu xalliyo welwelkooda siyaasadeed ee muddo dheer ay ka cabanayeen.
Su’aal la xiriirta mas’uuliyadda siyaasadeed?
Isbeddelkaas lama filaanka ah wuxuu keenayaa su’aalo culus: Haddii aysan hadda suurtagal ahayn, goorma ayay noqon doontaa? Haddii aan wadahadalka lagu xallin, sidee kale?
Muddo tobannaan sano ah, Soomaaliya waxay ku shaqaynaysay nidaamka 4.5 ee ku saleysan qabiilka, halkaas oo odayaal iyo kooxo siyaasadeed gaar ah ay si qarsoodi ah u magacaabi jireen xildhibaannada. Inkastoo nidaamkani uu gacan ka gaystay ilaalinta xasillooni dhismeed, haddana wuxuu hor istaagay kobaca dimoqraadiyadeed. Hadda oo dalka u jeestay dhanka cod-bixin dadweyne oo guud, xitaa haddii ay dhaliil leedahay, tallaabadaasi waxay ka turjumaysaa rabitaanka sii kordhaya ee shacabka Soomaaliyeed ay u qabaan in ay si toos ah u doortaan hoggaamiyeyaashooda.
Dabcan, tallaabooyinka uu qaaday madaxweynuhu—sida ansixinta dastuurka ku-meelgaarka ah ee wax laga beddelay iyo magacaabista Guddiga Doorashooyinka Qaranka—waxay kicisay cabashooyin. Qaar ayaa ku doodaya in arrimahan lagu dhaqaaqay iyadoo aan lala tashan dowlad-goboleedyada iyo daneeyayaasha kale ee muhiimka ah. Cabashooyinkaas waa sharci, waxaana mudan in si furan looga doodo. Laakiin maxay tahay madasha ka wanaagsan in lagaga doodo arrimahaas, haddii aysan ahayn shir qaran oo shacabka hortiisa ah?
Qeexidda sharciyadda mucaaradka
Iyadoo uu shirkii Muqdisho socday, arrin kale oo muran dhalisay ayaa soo baxday: qaar ka mid ah hoggaamiyeyaasha mucaaradka ee ka baaqday shirka waxay ku tilmaameen saaxiibadoodii hore—kuwa shirka ka qaybgalay—in aysan ahayn sharciyad. Waxay sheegeen in kuwa la fariistay madaxweynaha aysan ahayn daneeyayaal siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Tani waxay keeneysaa su’aalo degdeg ah: Yaa go’aamiya cidda daneeyaha ka ah geedi-socodka dowlad-dhiska Soomaaliya? Yaa siiyay dad gaar ah xuquuq gaar ah oo ay mucaaradka ugu matalaan?
Arrintani waa mid gaar ahaan walaac abuureysa sababtoo ah qaar badan oo kamid ah xubnaha ka qayb-galay shirka ayaa horay u garab taagnaa dadka hadda dhaleecaynaya—kuwaas oo ay ka mid yihiin kuwii isugu yimid kulankii Hotel Jazeera oo ay kasoo qayb galeen madaxweynayaashii hore, ra’iisul wasaareyaashii hore iyo musharraxiintii dhawaan tartanka ka qayb-galay.
Haddii shaqsiyaadkan loo aqoonsaday inay yihiin daneeyayaal muhiim ah markii ay ka qayb galeen kulankii Hotel Jazeera, maxay tahay sababta hadda qaar ka mid ah loogu diidayo xaqnimadooda oo ay ku waayeen kaliya inay doorteen wadahadal halkii ay go’doomin lahaayeen?
Kala-soocidda noocan ahi waxay dhaawac ku tahay midnimada mucaaradka, waxaana ay sidoo kale wiiqaysaa mabda’a aasaasiga ah ee siyaasadda isku-duubnida badan. Hoggaan dhab ah wuxuu soo dhoweyaa xeeladaha iyo dooddaha kala duwan; uma isticmaalo xaqnimada siyaasadeed si hub ahaan loogu dagaallamo.
Arrinta muhiimka ah ee laga hadlayaa waa su’aashan: Yaa si fiican ugu habboon inuu la xisaabtamo madaxweynaha—kuwa qolka gudihiisa jooga ee tooska ula hadlayaa, mise kuwa bannaanka ka daawanaya?
Haddii qaar ka shakisan yihiin in madaxweynuhu qorshe doorasho oo qarsoon ku daboolayo magaca doorasho dadweyne, habka ugu fiican ee looga hortegi karo waa in toos loo wajaho, lagula xisaabtamo, isla markaana lagu soo bandhigo fagaaraha wadahadalka—ma aha in la qaadaco goobta ay go’aannadu ka dhacayaan.
Wadahadalka ma ahan is-dhiibid
Waxaa muuqata in qaar kamid ah mucaaradku ay isku qasayaan wadahadalka iyo is-dhiibitaanka. Laakiin ka qaybgalka wadahadalka macnihiisu ma aha inaad taageertay go’aammada dowladda—ee waa inaad booskaaga miiska ka qaadato, codkaagana u isticmaasho inaad saamayn ku yeelato natiijada. Marka ay wadahadalka isaga baxaan, hoggaamiyayaasha qaarkood ee mucaaradku waxay luminayaan saamayntooda, mana xoojinayaan.
Maqnaashahoodu wuxuu sii muuqanayaa marka la eego xubno kale oo mucaarad ah—kuwaas oo geesi ah isla markaana siyaasad ahaan qaangaaray—kuwaas oo fadhiyay hoolka shirarka ee Muqdisho, si toos ahna ula hadlay madaxweynaha, isla markaana soo bandhigay aragtidooda mustaqbalka Soomaaliya. Dadkani waxay fahmeen in mucaarad dhab ah ay tahay in xalal kale la keeno, mana aha in wadahadalka laga fogaado.
Sida Nelson Mandela mar uu yiri: “Haddii aad rabto inaad nabad la samayso cadowgaaga, waa inaad la shaqaysaa cadowgaaga, dabadeed wuxuu noqonayaa saaxiibkaaga.” Soomaaliya uma baahna cadow badan, waxay u baahan tahay shuraako dalka dhisa.
Dadka Soomaaliyeed way la socdaan
Yaan la yaraysan heerka wacyiga siyaasadeed ee uu gaaray shacabka Soomaaliyeed. Kaddib sannado dagaal, barakac iyo ka saarid siyaasadeed, hadda waxay doonayaan in ay cod ku yeeshaan mustaqbalkooda. Cod-bixintu uma aha oo keliya fal siyaasadeed—ee waa astaan muujinaysa sharaf, ka mid ahaansho iyo rajo.
Iyadoo la diidayo wadahadalka, hoggaamiyeyaasha mucaarad ah ayaa shacabka ka diidaya fursadda ay ku arki lahaayeen mas’uuliyad siyaasadeed oo ficil ahaan u dhacaysa. Soomaaliya waxay u baahan tahay geedi socod hufan, halkaas oo hoggaamiyayaasha si furan loogu xisaabtami karo—ma aha oo keliya shir jaraa’id iyo qoraallo baraha bulshada lagu soo bandhigo.
Sida ay Soomaalidu ku maahmaahdo: “Nin aan talin jirin, tuug baa u talin jirtay.”
Dadka Soomaaliyeed waxay doonayaan inay soo ceshtaan xaqooda ah inay go’aamiyaan—doorasho, diidmo iyo inay dalbadaan wax ka fiican.
Hoggaamiyayaasha isaga baxa nidaamkan waxay halis ugu jiraan inay ka harayaan dadkii ay sheeganayeen inay matalaan. Diidistoodu waxay sidoo kale diraysaa fariin dhaawac leh: taasoo ah inay wali door-bidayaan geeddi-socodka shisheeye ee Xalane halkii ay ka doorbidi lahaayeen wadahadal Soomaaliyeed oo Muqdisho lagu qabto—oo fool-ka-fool loola kulmayo madaxweynaha iyo shacabka, kuna dhacaya si xor ah, oo aan cadaadis ama dhex-dhexaadin shisheeye ku jirin.
Aragtidan waxay muujinaysaa ku tiirsanaan joogto ah oo ku saabsan faragelinta shisheeye iyo kalsooni darro ka muuqata awoodda dadka Soomaaliyeed inay arrimahooda xalliyaan. Halkii ay ka faa’iideysan lahaayeen fursaddan ay miiska ku fariisan lahaayeen, waxay dib u dhigayaan xal dhab ah oo Soomaaliyeed—waxayna ku dheggan yihiin nidaam hore oo ku dhisan kaalmada dibadda, howlgalka Qaramada Midoobay, iyo ilaalinta Cutubka Toddobaad oo ah nidaamkii siyaasiyiinta loogu quudin jiray siyaasadda, waxaana laguna curyaamin jiray hal-abuurka Soomaalida.
Gunaanad
Dimoqraadiyadda laguma dhiso hal maalin, cidina kama filayso in Soomaaliya ay si fudud uga gudubto arrimahan. Laakiin inaad ka baxdo goobta ay yaalliin fursadaha isbeddelka—iyadoo xubno kale oo dhinacaaga ah ay doorteen inay sii joogaan oo u dagaallamaan xuquuqda shacabka—ma aha xeelad siyaasadeed, waa is-dhiibid siyaasadeed.
Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya wuxuu ku xiranyahay hoggaamiyeyaal yimaada, codkooda soo bandhiga, oo u istaaga horumarka. Su’aashuna waxay tahay: yaa lagu xusuusan doonaa inuu qayb ka ahaa mustaqbalkaas?
Waxaa English ku qoray Mohamed Dhugad, waxaa tarjumay bahda Caasimada Online
AFEEF: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada [email protected]Mahadsanid.
Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Fal-celin xooggan iyo hadal-heyn ayaa ka dhalatay shirka loo ballansan yahay ee ay dhowaan yeelan doonaan Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya Mudane Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud iyo xubnaha mucaaradka dalka, kaas oo kusoo aaday xilli xasaasi ah oo ay taagan tahay xiisada ka dhalatay hannaanka doorashooyinka 2026.
Siyaasiyiinta mucaaradka oo intooda badan kusoo laabtay magaalada Muqdisho ayaa mabda’a ahaan isku raacay inay la kulmaan Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, kadib dalab ka yimid Villa Somalia, sida ilo xog ogaal ah ay Caasimada Online u xaqiijiyeen.
Sidoo kale waxaa la sheegay in kulan kale dhexdooda ah uu u dhiman yahay, si ay uga tashadaan waqtiga munaasibka ah ee Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh ay la kulmayaan iyo xubnaha matali doona mucaaradka.
Xubnahan ayaa hiray si cad u diiday inay ka qeybgalaan gogoshii uu fidiyey Madaxweynaha ee lagu qabtay Muqdisho, ugu dambeyntiina laga soo saaray war-murtiyeed rasmi ah.
Haddaba,Maxaa laga filan karaa shirka Xasan iyo Mucaaradka ee loo ballansan yahay?
Qaar kamid ah dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed ee isticmaalaha baraha bulshada ayaa siyaabo kala duwan uga hadlay shirka lagu wado inuu dhex-maro Villa Soomaaliya iyo mucaaradka, waxayna raji wanaagsan ka muujiyeen in lagu gaari doono heshiis ku aadan doorashooyinka.
Cabdullahi Siidhii: “Ilaahey guul haku dhammeeyo qof iyo cod siiba in ay nucaaradku aqbalaan”.
Garoowe (Caasimada Online) – Magaalada Garoowe ee xarunta gobolka Nugaal waxaa maanta lagu qabtay doorashada kursi ka banaana Aqalka Sare, kaas oo uu horay uga geeriyooday Allaha u naxariistee Senator Maxamed Cali Yuusuf (Gaagaab).
Doorashada oo ka dhacday xarunta golaha wakiilada Puntland ayaa lagu soo buuxiyay kursigan oo deegaan doorashadiisu ahayd magaalada Garoowe ee xarunta maamulkaasi.
Kulankii maanta ee baarlamaanka Puntland ayaa lagu doortay Cabdi Cabdullaahi Haashi Goley oo buuxinaya kursigan, waxaana cod aqlabiyad leh ku doortay golaha.
“Goluhu wuxuu Maanta buuxiyey kursiga Aqalka Sare ee ku metelayey Puntland kaas oo uu ka geeriyooday Senatar hore Maxamed Cali Yuusuf (Gaagaab) waxana uu Golaha cod aqlabiyad ah ku doortay Cabdi Cabdullaahi Haashi Goley in uu buuxiyo kursigaasi” ayaa lagu yiri qoraal ka soo baxay guddoonka sare ee baarlamaanka maamulka Puntland.
Cabdi Cabdullaahi ayaa kamid ah saaxibada aadka u dhow Madaxweyne Saciid Deni, isaga oo u ahaa la-taliye gaar ah, waxaana loo xiray kursigan oo uu keligiis u tartamay buuxintiisa, maadaama uu tartanka tanaasulay musharrixii kale ee kula tartami lahaa.
Kuraasta ka bannaan baarlamaanka ayaa waxaa haatan ku socoto buuxin, iyada oo shalay agaasimihii dhawaan xilka laga qaaday ee hay’adda NISA Cabdullahi Sanbaloolshe uu dib u helay kursigiisi xildhibaannimo, kadib doorasho ka dhacday gudaha magaalada Jowhar.
Sanbaloolshe ayaa sida muuqata dib loo siiyay kursigiisi xildhibaan, kaasi oo uu lumiyay kadib markii loo magacaabay NISA. Doorashada oo ay ka soo qeyb-galeen xubno labada gole ee dowladda, bulshada rayidka iyo ergada beesha leh kursiga bannaanaa ayaa waxaa la sheegay inuu tanaasulay musharax Ismaaciil Warsame Faarax.
Waxaa kale oo dhowaan lasoo buuxiyay kuraastii ay ka geeriyoodeen Khadiija Diiriye iyo Xildhibaan Seeyseey oo iyagana doorashadooda lagu qabtay magaalada Jowhar.
Dhammaan doorashooyinkan ayaa kusoo aadayo, iyada oo beri labada gole ee baarlamaanka Soomaaliya ay geli doonaan fasax dheer oo laba bilood ah, sida lagu sheegay qoraal maanta kasoo baxay guddoonka sare ee labada aqal.
“Guddoonka Labada Aqal ee BJFS iyaga oo gudanayo waajibaadka Dastuuriga ah waxay go’aamiyeen in Kalfadiga 6aad ee baarlamaanka 11aad uu xirmayo taariikh 22-ka Juun 2025, dibna u furmo 22-ka Agoosto 2025” ayaa lagu yiri qoraalka labada guddoomiye.
Fasaxa Baarlamaanka ayaa kusoo aaday, xilli haatan ay jirto xiisad ka dhalatay hannaanka doorashooyinka oo ay isku hayaan Villa Soomaaliya, mucaaradka iyo qaar kamid ah maamul goboleedyada dalka, taas oo xittaa saameysay kulamadii xubnaha labada Gole.
Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Xildhibaannada Labada Gole ee Baarlamaanka ayaa galaya fasax dheer, iyadoo haatan dalka uu ku jiro marxalad siyaasadeed oo aad u cakiran, taas oo ka dhalatay hannaanka doorashooyinka iyo wax ka beddelka dastuurka KMG ah.
Guddoonka Labada Gole oo bayaan soo saaray ayaa ku dhowaaqay in Kafadhiga lixaad ee Baaralamaanka lasoo xiri doono beri oo Axad ah, kuna beegan 22-ka bisha June, waxayna qoraalkooda ku caddeeyeen in xildhibaannada iyo senatorada ay geli doonaan fasax laba bil ah.
Sidoo kale, waxaa isla qoraalka lagu sheegay in Baarlamaanka uu dib isugu soo noqon doonaan 22-ka bisha Agoosto ee sanadkan, markaas oo dib loo sii amba qaadi doono shaqooyinka horyaalla.
“Guddoonka Labada Aqal ee BJFS iyaga oo gudanayo waajibaadka Dastuuriga ah waxay go’aamiyeen in Kalfadiga 6aad ee baarlamaanka 11aad uu xirmayo taariikh 22-ka Juun 2025, dibna u furmo 22-ka Agoosto 2025” ayaa lagu yiri qoraalka labada guddoomiye.
Sidoo kale, xildhibaannada ayaa looga mahadceliyay shaqooyinka ay qabteen Kalfadhigaan, waxaana loo rajeeyay inay nabad iyo caafimaad ku dhameeyaan shaqooyinka u haray.
Fasaxa Baarlamaanka ayaa kusoo aaday, xilli haatan ay jirto xiisad ka dhalatay hannaanka doorashooyinka oo ay isku hayaan Villa Soomaaliya, mucaaradka iyo qaar kamid ah maamul goboleedyada dalka, taas oo xittaa saameysay kulamadii xubnaha labada Gole.
Inta badan xildhibaannada ayaa ku milmay siyaasadaha is-diidan, taas oo keentay in kooram la’aan u baaqdaan saddexdii kulan ee ugu dambeysay ee Baarlamaanka.
Soomaaliya ayaa haatan ku jirto marxalad adag, waxaana soconayo shirar siyaasadeed oo looga arrinsanayo xiisadda taagan kuwaas oo ay leeyihiin Villa Soomaaliya iyo mucaaradka.
Si kastaba, Baarlamaanka oo dib isugu laaban doono laba bilood kadib ayaa la filayaa inuu go’aanno ka gaaro shuruuc muhiim u ah doorashooyinka iyo dhameystirka Dastuurka.
Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa soo bandhigtay muuqaal naadir ah oo laga duubay howlgalkii duqeynta ahaa ee shalay ka dhacay degmada Aadan-Yabaal ee gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe, halkaas oo lagu laayey xubno badan oo Khawaarijta Al-Shabaab ka tirsanaa.
Muuqaalka ayaa muujinaya in la beegsaday guri uu deganaa sarkaal ka tirsan Al-Shabaab oo lagu magacaabo Xasan Nuur, kaas oo ku yaalla xaafadda Waaberi ee degmada Aadan-Yabaal, Telefishinka Qaranka ayaa soo bandhigay muuqaal toos ah oo diyaaraddu duubtay, kaas oo sharaxaadiisa wata.
Inta aan la duqeyn guriga, basaasiin u shaqeeya dowladda oo kooxda ku dhex-jira ayaa guriga dhexdiisa ka soo duubay muuqaalka gaari Beebe ah oo kooxda Al-Shabaab ay dowladda horay uga furteen iyo wajiga mid kamid ah saraakiishii la dilay oo la aqoonsaday.
Horjoogayaashaan ayaa ka soo muuqanaya goobta daqiiqado yar ka hor inta aan la duqeyn guriga, iyagoo weliba is qarinaya, basle daawanaya qaabka loo baakimayo gaariga Beebaha ah oo lagu qarinayo gudaha guriga la beegsaday.
Gurigaan in saraakiil sare oo Shabaab ah ay joogeen waxaa u dheer inuu ahaa goob lagu keydiyo saanadda ciidanka, laguna abaabulo maleeshiyaadka kooxda, sida lagu soo bandhigay warbixintaan xasaasiga ah ee muuqaalka ah.
Hay’adda NISA ayaa fulisay duqeyntaan, waxaana lagu dilay 12 xubnood oo ka tirsanaa Al-Shabaab, kuwaas oo la xaqiijiyey inuu ku jiraan horjooge Carabey oo ahaa madaxii gaadiidka Al-Shabaab ee goobaha ay dagaalladu ka socdaan iyo Mustaf Jareere oo qaabilsanaa sameynta gaadiidka ka ciladooba Al-Shabaab.
Waxaa jira xubno kale oo duqeyntaan ku dhaawacmay, kuwaas oo uu ku jiro Horjooge Xamsa Faracadde oo saadka iyo taakulada u qaabilsanaa Al-Shabaab. Iyadoo weli ay dowladdu wado xaqiijinta inay jiraan xubno kale oo muhiim ah oo duqeyntaas looga dilay kooxda.
MOGADISHU, Somalia – A coalition of Somali opposition leaders known as the Madasha Samata-bixinta (“Salvation Forum”) has agreed in principle to meet with President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud following renewed outreach from Villa Somalia, multiple political sources told Caasimada Online.
The move marks a potential thaw in tensions between the federal government and the opposition bloc, which had previously boycotted a four-day national consultation conference hosted by the president in Mogadishu.
According to sources familiar with the discussions, the opposition leaders reached their preliminary agreement during a closed-door meeting late Friday at the residence of former president Sharif Sheikh Ahmed in Mogadishu. The talks followed the recent return of several Forum members to the capital after performing Hajj and spending the Eid holidays abroad.
A final internal consultation among Forum members is expected to take place in the coming days to determine the date, format, and delegation that will represent the opposition in the proposed talks with President Hassan Sheikh.
“They initially rejected the president’s invitation to the Mogadishu conference but are now open to direct dialogue,” a political insider told Caasimada Online on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter.
Former PM’s return expected to boost talks
Former Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke is expected to arrive in Mogadishu from Nairobi on Saturday, along with several other absent members of the Forum. Their presence is seen as essential to finalizing the opposition’s collective approach and strengthening their negotiating position.
The Forum’s agreement to engage with the president comes after weeks of political friction, during which they boycotted a widely publicized national conference aimed at resolving Somalia’s deepening political rifts. That summit, held earlier this month in Mogadishu, ended with an official communiqué but without the participation of key opposition figures.
Their absences were prompted by concerns over inclusivity, transparency, and the conference’s perceived failure to address core grievances related to power-sharing, electoral reforms, and federalism.
Somalia remains politically fragmented as it navigates a fragile transition toward stable governance. The federal government under President Hassan Sheikh, who returned to power in May 2022, has been under pressure to secure broad consensus among federal member states and political stakeholders, especially amid ongoing security threats from al-Shabaab insurgents and looming questions over constitutional reforms.
The Madasha Samata-bixinta comprises prominent former officials and political heavyweights, including past presidents and prime ministers. The bloc has emerged as one of the main sources of organized political opposition to the current administration, frequently calling for greater accountability, institutional balance, and clarity on election timelines.
Strategic dialogue ahead
With both sides appearing to recognize the need for dialogue, the upcoming meeting — if it materializes — could play a pivotal role in shaping Somalia’s political roadmap ahead of the next elections and ongoing national security reforms.
While no date has been publicly announced, insiders suggest the meeting could occur within the next week, depending on how quickly the Forum finalizes its internal deliberations.
President Hassan Sheikh has repeatedly expressed willingness to engage all stakeholders, including opposition groups, to advance Somalia’s political stability. His earlier calls for inclusive dialogue were met with mixed reactions but continue to serve as the foundation for potential reconciliation efforts.
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — Once seen as a reformist and regional stabilizer, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed now faces mounting criticism over a bold but increasingly fraught foreign policy in the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa — one that analysts warn has weakened Ethiopia’s influence, isolated it diplomatically, and put core national interests at risk.
Since coming to power in 2018, Abiy has reframed Ethiopia’s landlocked status as an “existential” crisis. His aggressive push for sea access—a dramatic departure from his predecessors’ cautious diplomacy—has unsettled neighbors and raised regional tensions to dangerous new heights.
“Ethiopia’s need for sea access is real,” said Surafel Getahun, a Horn of Africa analyst. “But the way Abiy has pursued it — through high-risk unilateral moves and confrontational rhetoric — has left the country more vulnerable and isolated than ever.”
A deal that backfired: The Somaliland MoU
The most controversial move came in January 2024, when Ethiopia signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland — a self-declared breakaway region of Somalia. In exchange for potential recognition of Somaliland’s independence, Ethiopia would lease 20 kilometers of coastline for 50 years to establish a naval base and gain commercial port access.
The backlash was immediate and severe.
Somalia condemned the deal as a direct assault on its sovereignty, recalled its ambassador, and brought the issue to the African Union, United Nations, and Arab League.
The AU reiterated its support for Somalia’s territorial integrity, while Egypt and Gulf states, wary of Ethiopia’s growing assertiveness, expressed concern over the destabilizing effect of the agreement.
“Instead of unlocking new opportunities, the Somaliland MoU has triggered a diplomatic firestorm,” said Getahun. “It alienated key neighbors, drew widespread condemnation, and yielded no clear strategic gain.”
Rather than bolstering Somaliland’s case for recognition, the deal exposed its isolation. Meanwhile, Ethiopia’s pursuit of alternative port access sparked suspicion in Djibouti — its primary trade gateway — and drew warnings from regional and international observers about the risk of renewed conflict in the Horn.
Fraying ties with Eritrea and Djibouti
Once hailed as a historic breakthrough, Abiy’s 2018 peace agreement with Eritrea initially raised hopes for normalized ties and potential Red Sea access via Assab or Massawa. But the relationship quickly soured.
Eritrea’s military involvement in the Tigray war alongside Ethiopian forces drew global condemnation and further strained Ethiopia’s international standing. Eritrean troops remain deployed near the Ethiopian border, and the prospect of port access now appears more remote than ever.
“What started as a Nobel-winning peace turned into a strategic liability,” said Getahun. “Asmara remains deeply distrustful, and Ethiopia’s hopes for Eritrean ports have all but evaporated.”
The fallout from Abiy’s Red Sea ambitions has extended beyond Somalia and Eritrea.
Djibouti — which currently handles over 95% of Ethiopia’s trade — was unsettled by Ethiopia’s overtures to Somaliland. Once a reliable partner, Djibouti has started diversifying its client base, reducing its dependence on Ethiopian cargo and hedging against further geopolitical uncertainty.
In Sudan, civil war has effectively closed the Port Sudan route. While not directly resulting from Ethiopian policy, the instability has removed a key alternative and created new security risks on Ethiopia’s northwestern border.
Kenya remains a relatively stable partner but plays a limited role in Ethiopia’s maritime access, focusing on Indian Ocean ports like Mombasa and Lamu.
Domestic instability and security overreach
At home, Ethiopia’s military remains stretched thin. The devastating Tigray conflict, which consumed enormous military and political capital, was followed by renewed violence in the Amhara and Oromia regions.
“Ethiopia is fighting multiple fires internally while trying to project power externally — that’s dangerous,” warned Getahun. “It weakens the country’s ability to lead regionally or defend its broader interests.”
Ethiopia’s traditional role as a security anchor in the Horn — including counterterrorism operations in Somalia — has eroded. Internal unrest has limited its capacity to participate in multilateral peacekeeping or regional stabilization efforts.
A strategy that undermines itself
Analysts warn that Abiy’s approach is undercutting the very objectives it was meant to achieve.
Diplomatic Isolation: Ethiopia’s aggressive posture has alienated key neighbors and weakened its voice in critical negotiations — from GERD talks with Egypt to regional trade deals.
Economic Vulnerability: The Somaliland MoU has failed to yield access while damaging relations with Djibouti, Ethiopia’s current lifeline. Any disruption in Djibouti could prove catastrophic.
Rising Tensions: The deal has escalated tensions with Somalia and invited new forms of regional competition, with Egypt and Gulf actors exploiting Ethiopia’s rifts.
Security Overstretch: Military commitments across multiple fronts — domestic and external — are diluting Ethiopia’s capacity to manage risks effectively.
Eroded Credibility: Once seen as a regional stabilizer, Ethiopia is increasingly viewed as a destabilizing force outside multilateral norms.
“Ethiopia is paying a high price for a strategy meant to secure its future,” said Getahun. “Instead of expanding its influence, it has compromised it.”
Previous Ethiopian administrations — though equally aware of the need for port diversification — opted for more cautious approaches. They worked through regional bodies like the AU and IGAD, maintained stable ties with Djibouti, and pursued quiet, incremental gains rather than headline-grabbing deals.
“Ultimatums and unilateralism mark Abiy’s policy,” Getahun said. “But with the country facing deep internal instability, this is precisely the moment when diplomacy, not brinkmanship, is needed.”
Conclusion: A nation adrift in treacherous waters
Ethiopia’s Red Sea strategy under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has become a case study in overreach. What began as a bold attempt to solve a critical national challenge has, by many accounts, left the country in a more precarious position.
“The Red Sea’s strategic currents are treacherous,” Getahun concluded. “And Ethiopia, under its current navigation, risks drifting further from safety — and deeper into crisis.”
Analysts say reclaiming lost ground will require a return to multilateral diplomacy, a reset with neighbors, and a renewed focus on internal cohesion. Without that shift, the nation could find itself not just without a port but without a compass.
The Federal Government of Somalia continues to face persistent and multifaceted challenges in its effort to provide essential public services such as security, education, healthcare, food security, and infrastructure. A major obstacle is the government’s limited ability to mobilize sufficient domestic revenue, primarily due to persistent insecurity, weak institutional capacity, and political disagreements. These constraints have severely hindered the government’s ability to fund and deliver services effectively to its citizens.
Despite these hurdles, Somalia has made notable progress in rebuilding trust with international donors, particularly under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have invested heavily in strengthening Somalia’s public financial management systems, providing critical training to staff at the Ministry of Finance to ensure compliance with international financial standards. Following a series of successful pilot projects where Somalia not only managed donor funds through its own systems but also oversaw the full implementation of program activities, donors began to shift their approach. For the first time in decades, international partners entrusted the Somali government with direct management of large-scale, multimillion-dollar development programs. As a result, nearly $2 billion worth of donor-funded projects are currently being channeled through the country’s Single Treasury Account (STA), overseen by the Ministry of Finance.
Key donors to these programs include the World Bank ($1.6 billion), the African Development Bank ($130 million), the Global Partnership for Education ($80 million), and the European Union ($3.3 million). Collectively, these funds support over 34 active projects being implemented across 12 different federal ministries.
The core objective of these programs is to enhance service delivery and drive sustainable development across key sectors such as:
Institutional capacity building
Urban resilience and infrastructure
Energy and technology
Education and healthcare
Climate change, drought resilience, and food security
Economic development, agriculture, and fisheries
In theory, the successful implementation of these programs could significantly transform these sectors and improve the lives of millions of Somali citizens, either directly or indirectly.
Yet, despite their potential, a staggering portion of these funds remains unspent, with many program activities stalled or unimplemented. Why?
This article aims to shed light on this pressing issue examining the systemic obstacles, operational inefficiencies, and institutional challenges that hinder Somalia’s ability to turn donor support into tangible progress for its people. My goal is to unravel the reasons behind the underutilization of donor funds and explore what must change to ensure that Somalia can finally deliver on the promise of these development programs.
Somalia’s reliance on donor aid
Somalia’s 2025 national budget stands at approximately $1.33 billion. Of this, only $430.3 million is expected to be generated through domestic revenue, while a substantial $903 million more than 67% of the total budget is projected to come from international donors. This donor support is divided into $167.9 million in direct budgetary aid and $735.1 million allocated for specific programs.
Figure 1: Distribution of 2025 Budget: Domestic vs Donor Revenue
This stark dependency on external assistance highlights Somalia’s fragile fiscal position and ongoing challenges in building a self-sustaining public sector. Key donors including the World Bank, IMF, European Union, African Development Bank, and Global Partnership for Education continue to play a central role in funding critical government functions and development programs across the country.
To manage these inflows more effectively and enhance transparency, the government has adopted a Single Treasury Account (STA) system, overseen by the Ministry of Finance. The STA is designed to centralize and streamline the management of public funds, ensuring that donor contributions are tracked, reported, and used through formal government systems in alignment with national priorities.
Where the money stalls
Every year, Somalia underutilizes approximately 50% of donor funds allocated for development programs. In 2023 and 2024, a total of $522.7 million remained unspent, $215.7 million in 2023 and $307 million in 2024 resulting in utilization rates of 56% and 47%, respectively. This represents a 9% decline in spending efficiency from 2023 to 2024, this trend signals that the problem is deepening, and without urgent action, the consequences will grow more severe.
Despite the substantial volume of committed aid, a stark paradox persists, absorption and implementation rates remain critically low. While funds are allocated on paper, projects face chronic delays, under-execution, or outright stagnation. This raises serious questions about institutional bottlenecks, operational capacity, and the government’s ability to convert financial support into tangible improvements for Somali citizens.
In my evaluation of 34 projects worth $1.85 billion, each with annual budgets allocated in the national appropriation, I found stark discrepancies in performance:
2023: Only 7 projects achieved a spending rate above 70%; 8 projects fell between 40–69%, while 14 projects languished at 0–39%.
2024: Performance deteriorated further just 4 projects exceeded 70% execution, 12 projects hovered at 40–69%, and 18 projects remained below 39%.
The seven lowest-spending ministries (with burn rates of 0–46%) exemplify chronic underutilization, directly undermining service delivery in critical sectors. Four ministries, Livestock, Forestry and Range (MoLFR); Communications and Technology (MoCT); Energy and Water Resources (MoEWR); and Education, Culture and Higher Education (MoECHE) consistently underperformed in both years. Three others, Fisheries and Blue Economy (MFBE), Agriculture and Irrigation (MoA), and Planning, Investment and Economic Development (MoPIED) saw drastic declines in 2024.
Collectively, these ministries oversee 17 projects worth over $1 billion, this chronic underutilization of resources by key ministries has stalled progress in critical sectors like agriculture, education, energy, and digital development. These ministries are directly responsible for sectors tied to Somalia’s food security, economic recovery, and long-term development. Their inability to absorb funds has real-world consequences for millions of Somali citizens.
When examining burn rates by donor, a similar pattern emerges. Projects funded by the Global Partnership for Education (GPE) and African Development Bank (AfDB) had the lowest burn rates in 2024, 6% and 17% respectively. Even the World Bank, which funds the largest share of projects, had a utilization rate of just 50%. Only the European Union, with a modest funding envelope, achieved a relatively higher burn rate of 69%, though its overall contribution to the budget was small.
These disparities suggest that donor oversight and implementation support vary significantly. I recommend that technical teams from underperforming donors deepen their involvement in tracking quarterly and annual project plans to ensure targets are met.
The biggest culprits: 23 stalled projects
To further pinpoint where the money is stalled, I identified 23 projects with burn rates below 50% in 2024. These projects account for $1.2 billion in total value, or roughly two-thirds of the total aid portfolio, making their poor performance a major driver of the overall low utilization rate.
To further pinpoint where the money is stalled, I identified 23 projects with burn rates below 50% in 2024. These projects account for $1.2 billion in total value, or roughly two-thirds of the total aid portfolio, making their poor performance a major driver of the overall low utilization rate. These include:
5 education projects (3 with severe execution rates of 3%, 5%, and 5%).
4 energy/water projects (2 at 2% and 4%).
2 projects each in agriculture, finance, livestock, planning, and public works.
Notably, Accelerating Sustainable and Clean Energy Program (WB/MoEWR) spent just 2% of its budget, while Somalia Empowering Women Through Education (WB/MoECHE) utilized only 3%. Several ministries, particularly MOECHE, MoEWR, and MoA are responsible for a large share of these underperforming projects. In some cases, projects had burn rates as low as 2%, 3%, and 5%. These are not just administrative statistics; they represent missed opportunities for improved education, energy access, water infrastructure, and livelihoods for Somali communities.
The answer to Somalia’s declining utilization rates is clear: the largest share of funds is trapped in these underperforming projects managed by 12 key ministries. Without urgent reforms to address procurement delays, capacity gaps, and accountability failures, these ministries will continue to sit on these funds rather than deliver results.
In the next sections, I will dissect the root causes of these bottlenecks and propose actionable solutions.
The root of the problem
Despite the influx of donor funds and the establishment of financial systems like the Single Treasury Account, Somalia’s chronic underutilization of aid is symptomatic of deeper, structural dysfunctions within government institutions. Below, I dissect the four interlinked challenges: a widespread capacity deficit, weak financial management systems, bureaucratic delays, and poor coordination between federal and state institutions. Unless these foundational weaknesses are addressed, progress on development goals will remain elusive.
The single greatest obstacle to project execution is the government’s failure to recruit qualified personnel particularly in top project management roles. In recent years, appointments to multimillion-dollar programs have been marred by nepotism and political patronage, with little regard for technical competence
Project management is a multifaceted discipline requiring expertise in planning, stakeholder coordination, budgeting, risk mitigation, and reporting. Managers must lead diverse teams, align stakeholders across federal and state institutions, and ensure timely execution of work plans. When individuals unfamiliar with these responsibilities are placed in charge, the consequences are predictable: delays, inaction, and missed targets.
Moreover, project teams recruited under similar non-transparent processes often lack the technical and managerial skills required to deliver results. In such environments, project staff frequently see their roles as limited to collecting paychecks rather than implementing programs. Without qualified leadership, many of Somalia’s most critical development programs have stalled not because funding is unavailable, but because no one is adequately prepared or equipped to deliver.
This capacity deficit is not a secondary issue it is the root cause of the broader implementation failure. All other bottlenecks, while significant, are ultimately symptoms of this fundamental flaw.
B.Weaknesses in public financial management and budget execution
Closely tied to the capacity gap is the systemic weakness in financial management practices within many of the ministries overseeing donor-funded projects. In ministries with low burn rates, financial operations are marked by a lack of basic controls, irregular budget reviews, and poor cash flow planning. Routine financial reporting is absent in many Project Implementation Units (PIUs), and project managers are often left in the dark regarding budget utilization until the end of the fiscal year by which time it is too late to course correct.
Payment delays are another persistent issue. Due to insufficient documentation and incomplete or delayed cash projections, funds often remain undisbursed, stalling key activities. Payment processing can take weeks, if not months, disrupting implementation schedules and causing bottlenecks throughout the project cycle. Worse still, the finance teams of many underperforming programs do not provide monthly utilization reports to project managers, further compounding the lack of oversight and accountability.
Strong financial management is a prerequisite for effective service delivery. Without it, even the best-designed projects cannot be executed. as long as ministries fail to establish robust financial tracking, cash management, and reporting mechanisms, underutilization of funds will persist.
C.Procurement bottlenecks and institutional gridlock
Procurement inefficiencies represent another critical obstacle to project implementation. The procurement process is heavily bureaucratic, involving complex procedures and extensive documentation. Unfortunately, many of the procurement officers currently working in donor-funded programs lack the technical competence to manage large, high-threshold procurements. As a result, critical procurements are delayed or never acquired at all.
Beyond the procurement teams, other project staff, including technical specialists and financial officers, play crucial roles in drafting Terms of Reference, preparing budgets, and participating in bid evaluations. These responsibilities are frequently neglected or delayed due to a lack of capacity, commitment, or both. This disjointed process significantly disrupts procurement timelines, slows down disbursements, and contributes to the under-execution of project plans.
In some cases, procurement decisions are further complicated by internal conflicts of interest. Disagreements among stakeholders over which vendors should be awarded contracts can lead to deadlocks, undermining the neutrality and efficiency of the selection process.
D. Limited coordination across Federal and State institutions
Finally, poor coordination between Federal Government institutions and the Federal Member States (FMS) presents a major governance challenge. Tensions often arise over the allocation of funds and the selection of project implementation sites, leading to significant delays in program delivery. Federal ministries frequently design and launch programs without adequate consultation with their FMS counterparts, which can result in misaligned priorities and limited local ownership.
Moreover, reporting and feedback channels between the two levels of government are weak or in some cases entirely absent. This lack of communication undermines the ability of projects to respond to local needs, adapt to regional contexts, and effectively monitor performance.
The Impact of this chronic under-spending
Thus far, this analysis has focused on figures, project names, and institutional failures painting a clear picture of Somalia’s systemic inability to utilize donor funds. But behind these statistics lies a deeper tragedy: the real-world consequences for millions of Somalis who remain trapped in cycles of poverty, ignorance, insecurity, and deprivation due to stalled projects. While a full sector-by-sector impact assessment would require extensive research, the evidence already points to severe setbacks in service delivery and development progress.
The persistently low spending rates across critical government programs have had tangible and damaging effects on public service delivery in Somalia. While billions in donor funding remain unspent, communities continue to lack access to essential services.
In education, delays in disbursements for projects such as the Somali Education Human Capital Project and the GPE System Transformation Grant have prevented the achievement of planned school enrollment targets. As a result, schools remain unbuilt, classrooms lack basic resources, and thousands of teachers remain unpaid, undermining efforts to expand access to quality education, particularly for girls.
In the health sector, setbacks in the health projects have left vital health facilities incomplete and communities without access to basic healthcare. The lack of funding for frontline operations has hindered vaccination campaigns, maternal care services, and the country’s ability to respond to disease outbreaks.
The energy and water sectors have also suffered. Projects like Accelerating Sustainable and Clean Energy, Households’ Access to Renewable Energy, and the Groundwater for Resilience Project have made little progress. Consequently, many communities still lack access to clean water, electricity, and renewable energy, services that are not only essential for survival but also for economic development.
Infrastructure development has been stalled by under-implementation of major projects like the Road Infrastructure Program, the Somali Horn of Africa Infrastructure Integration initiative, and the Somalia Urban Resilience Project. This has delayed critical roadworks, bridge construction, and urban development projects undermining connectivity, trade, and broader post-conflict reconstruction efforts.
In agriculture and food security, stalled programs such as the Somalia Crisis Recovery Project and the Somali Food Systems Resilience Project have led to missed opportunities to support rural livelihoods, address climate vulnerabilities, and improve food security across the country.
Every unspent dollar represents a lost opportunity to provide vital services to the Somali people. Chronic under-spending is not merely a technical or financial issue, it constitutes a fundamental development failure, widening the gap between government policy ambitions and the daily reality faced by citizens.
From an economic perspective, the persistent under-utilization of development funds has direct and far-reaching implications for employment, household income, and overall economic activity in Somalia. Every dollar left unspent translates into jobs not created livelihoods not supported, and local demand not stimulated. Development projects, especially those involving infrastructure, education, and basic services are inherently labor-intensive. Even at the subproject level, such as the construction of a single school, multiple employment opportunities are generated: at minimum, 10 laborers and 2 skilled technicians or engineers would be required. These workers depend on such temporary employment for their daily subsistence, often supporting extended families. The cumulative effect of stalled or delayed projects is the systemic denial of income-generating opportunities across the country.
Using a conservative employment multiplier of 5 direct jobs per $1 million investment, the unspent $307 million in 2024 alone represents a minimum of 1,535 direct jobs lost. However, this is only the tip of the iceberg. When factoring in indirect and induced employment effects such as jobs in the supply chain (materials, logistics, services) and increased household consumption, the total number of jobs foregone could be two to three times higher, depending on sector-specific multipliers. This lost employment opportunity contributes not only to rising poverty levels but also to reduced aggregate demand, suppressing domestic consumption and weakening the velocity of money in the economy. In simple terms, money that could have circulated through wages, local purchases, and community investments instead remains idle in government accounts or donor holding funds.
Moreover, under-spending undermines productive capacity by delaying investments in human capital, infrastructure, and public goods which are critical foundations for long-term economic growth. It stifles the multiplier effects that development projects are meant to unleash, curtails economic diversification, and limits Somalia’s ability to reduce unemployment and increase formal labor force participation. The opportunity cost is enormous, not only in jobs lost but in lost GDP contributions, missed tax revenues, and foregone development gains. If unaddressed, this inefficiency will increase poverty and widen inequality, which deepens the very challenges these development programs were designed to alleviate.
From the donor perspective, this issue is especially concerning. At the outset, Somalia demonstrated a strong commitment to managing development programs effectively and delivering services to its people. This gave donors including the World Bank, African Development Bank, Global Partnership for Education, and the European Union confidence in Somalia’s institutions and systems. They responded by providing substantial funding to help the country meet urgent needs and rebuild public trust and legitimacy.
However, once the funds were secured, the government failed to adequately address the operational and systemic issues that have hindered project execution and fund absorption. Many of these projects are now nearing their end dates within the current administration, and several more will expire soon. Donors have already begun issuing warnings about their dissatisfaction with the low utilization rates, raising serious concerns about the government’s ability to manage external assistance. If Somalia fails to utilize these funds effectively, it risks losing future donor support. Such a loss would not only damage the government’s credibility but also jeopardize the country’s ability to secure future funding, potentially leaving future generations with the burden of rebuilding lost trust and restarting stalled development momentum.
The path forward
In this section, I offer a set of practical and achievable recommendations that, if implemented, can help ministries and development projects recover momentum and meet their targets going forward. These suggestions are not extreme, but rather grounded in the current realities and aimed at enabling progress within existing structures.
A. Capacity development
Throughout my career, I have rarely advocated for disciplinary actions or wholesale staff replacement as the first solution. While I strongly believe in merit-based recruitment to ensure the right individuals are placed in the right roles, I advocate more for building capacity than dismantling teams.
Ministries, with the support of donors, should establish online or in-person training programs focused on key areas such as project management. Project managers must be equipped with knowledge of the full project management cycle, their responsibilities in driving progress, and how to hold others accountable. Similar targeted training courses should be developed for staff in finance, procurement, monitoring and evaluation, and other technical areas. To optimize resources, one centrally developed training program can be shared across all ministries and projects.
In addition, underperforming projects should receive immediate support through the addition of two or more technical staff recruited transparently and competitively who can work alongside existing teams. These newly assigned experts should be empowered with decision-making responsibilities to drive implementation forward.
For newly approved projects such as the World Bank’s Somali Integrated Statistics and Economic Planning Capacity Building Project, Barwaaqo Project, Bulsho Project, SPRING Project, and the Somalia Disaster Risk Management DPF with a Catastrophe Deferred Draw Down Option Project, there is a significant opportunity to set a new standard in project implementation. These projects are still in their early stages, giving both government and donor partners a window to proactively establish strong institutional foundations before operational challenges emerge.
One of the most effective ways to ensure these projects succeed is by prioritizing the recruitment of highly competent professionals through transparent and competitive processes. Clear terms of reference, well-defined selection criteria, and the inclusion of donor observers in recruitment panels can help guarantee that qualified individuals with the right technical skills and commitment are brought on board.
I also recommend introducing a staff performance management framework within government institutions. This system would reward high performers through promotions and identify underperforming staff through demotions or reassignment. It should be data-driven, based on annual performance reviews aligned with project goals. Such a mechanism can strengthen accountability without targeting individuals unfairly, allowing performance to be assessed and managed objectively.
B.Strengthening public financial management and budget execution
One consistent issue observed across multiple projects is the limited number of financial management staff. Projects managing tens of millions of dollars often rely on just one or two finance personnel, which is both unrealistic and unsustainable.
Each ministry should adopt a segregation of duties model within finance teams clearly assigning budget monitoring, payment processing, and cash forecasting to different individuals. Ministries need not recruit externally, instead, surplus civil servants who are currently unassigned but still on the payroll can be mobilized to support these roles.
Moreover, monthly budget monitoring reports should be prepared and shared with project managers, Director Generals, and the relevant Ministers or their delegates. This will ensure leadership remains aware of financial trends and can act swiftly to address delays or inefficiencies.
Cash forecasts should be prepared in advance to prevent cash shortages, and payments must be processed promptly with complete, auditable documentation to maintain financial integrity.
C. Establishing efficient and transparent procurement processes
Procurement remains a bottleneck in many projects. Procurement teams are often too small to manage multiple high-value procurements at once. Ministries should expand these teams by assigning trained civil servants to assist with daily administrative tasks, thereby allowing procurement specialists to focus on more technical activities.
Regular training should be provided to all procurement staff to keep up with best practices and evolving policies. Project managers should monitor procurement plans weekly and raise flags when delays occur. In turn, procurement progress should be reported monthly to ministry leadership for better decision-making and accountability.
D. Improving intergovernmental coordination
I strongly recommend establishing a dedicated Aid Coordination Unit within the Office of the Prime Minister. This unit should be tasked with monitoring the performance of all donor-funded programs, identifying those that are lagging, and coordinating responses to resolve bottlenecks.
The Office of the Prime Minister is uniquely positioned to bridge gaps between federal ministries. Many times, challenges in project delivery arise due to lack of coordination at both vertical (federal-state) and horizontal (across federal ministries) levels. A central unit with a mandate to coordinate and intervene will help mitigate these issues significantly.
The federal government must demonstrate political will and urgency in driving these reforms. Donors have placed their trust in Somalia’s institutions, but that trust is at risk. This moment calls for decisive action. Every day lost is another opportunity missed to deliver essential services to Somali citizens.
There is no more time to wait for the system to fix itself. A clear and immediate intervention is necessary to reverse the current trend and place Somalia back on the path to sustainable development.
End
Author’s Note
Models of excellence: Recognizing the best-performing projects
This article examines 34 development projects in Somalia, with an in-depth focus on 23 underperforming projects that account for over $1 billion in stalled funds. These projects highlight critical inefficiencies in fund deployment and underscore the urgent need for remedial action.
However, it is important to acknowledge the successful projects that demonstrate strong performance, efficient resource utilization, and commendable execution. These projects serve as encouraging examples of what is possible when resources are properly managed. The teams behind the following 11 projects (listed in the table below) deserve recognition for their dedication and effectiveness.
Recommendation for further assessment
This analysis represents a high-level overview and should be treated as an initial diagnostic. A more detailed, sector-by-sector evaluation is necessary to assess the long-term impact of these underperforming projects. Such an analysis would be vital in understanding how resource mismanagement affects institutional development, economic progress, and societal well-being in Somalia.
About Author
Abdullahi Ciid is an experienced Finance and Grants Manager with over Eight years of expertise in humanitarian and development programs. He has held key roles in public financial management, including serving as a Finance Specialist at the Federal Ministry of Education (2019–2021), where he played a key role in implementing the Global Partnership for Education’s (GPE) ESPIG program. During this period, he contributed to pioneering the use of the country’s Treasury Single Account (TSA) for donor funds, proving its reliability and achieving an 85% utilization rate of the project budget.
Additionally, he supported the World Bank’s Somalia Recurrent Cost & Reform Financing Project (Education Component), significantly improving its historically low burn rate through strategic reforms in project management, finance, and procurement. These reforms driven by the ministry’s leadership and a competitively recruited team of experts led to increased donor confidence, resulting in additional funding for subsequent programs, including the Somalia Education for Human Capital Development Project ($40M), GPE’s GEA Project ($18M), STG Project ($60M), and the World Bank’s Rajo Kaaba program ($52M).
The author now writes this article with deep concern over the deteriorating absorption of donor funds. Having helped build donor trust through effective implementation and accountability, he now warns of the risk of reversing that progress. He urges all stakeholders to undertake urgent reforms to safeguard development outcomes and preserve the confidence of Somalia’s international partners.
For further information or professional inquiries, you may contact the author via email at [email protected] or by phone at +252613197161.
Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Xubnaha ku midoobay ‘Madasha Samata-bixinta’ ee Mucaaradka ah ayaa caawa ku shiray hoyga uu Muqdisho ka degan yahay Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheikh Axmed, kadib markii ay dalka dib ugu soo laabteen maalmihii lasoo dhaafay.
Siyaasiyiinta mucaaradka ah ayaa mabda’a ahaan isku raacay inay la kulmaan Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh, kadib dalab ka yimid Villa Somalia, sida ilo xog ogaal ah ay Caasimada Online u xaqiijiyeen.
Waxaa la sheegay in kulan kale dhexdooda ah uu u dhiman yahay, si ay uga tashadaan waqtiga munaasibka ah ee Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh ay la kulmayaan iyo xubnaha matali doona mucaaradka.
Waxaa lagu wadaa in berri ay Muqdisho soo garaan Ra’iisul Wasaarihii hore Cumar Cabdirashiid oo Nairobi ku sugan iyo xubno kale oo mucaaradka ka maqan.
Inta badan xubnaha Madasha Samata-bixinta ayaa dib ugu soo laabtay Muqdisho, kadib safarro ay u baxeen maalmihii Ciidda iyo gudashada waajibaadka Xajka.
Xubnahaan ayaa si cad u diiday inay ka qeyb galaan gogoshii uu fidiyey Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh ee Muqdisho ka socotay muddo afar maalmood ah, ugu dambeyntiina laga soo saaray war-murtiyeed rasmi ah.
Iyagoo diiday gogoshii Madaxweynaha ayay caawa isku raaceen inay la kulmaan madaxweynaha oo kulan kale inay isku arkaan ka codsaday, waxayna berri guda gelayaan farsamada qaabkii ay ula kulmi lahaayeen iyo qodobada ay kala hadlayaan.
The biggest culprits: 23 stalled projects
The answer to Somalia’s declining utilization rates is clear: the largest share of funds is trapped in these underperforming projects managed by 12 key ministries. Without urgent reforms to address procurement delays, capacity gaps, and accountability failures, these ministries will continue to sit on these funds rather than deliver results.
Recommendation for further assessment