WASHINGTON, USA – Somalia faces ongoing uncertainty regarding the renewal of United States funding for its vital African Union peacekeeping mission, AUSSOM. This critical issue took center stage during a U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing on East Africa and the Horn, where testimony highlighted the expanding influence of other global powers in the volatile region.
Türkiye, for example, has markedly increased its presence in Somalia. It has constructed a military base and its largest global embassy in Mogadishu, recently deploying advanced drones and hundreds of troops to help combat Al-Shabaab. Furthermore, Turkish companies now manage Mogadishu’s seaport and airport, and Ankara has secured a deal to assist in developing Somalia’s oil reserves.
The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has also been a significant actor, training troops in Somalia’s Puntland region and spearheading the expansion of Somaliland’s Berbera port.
Joshua Meservey, a Senior Fellow at the Hudson Institute with direct experience in the region, warned the committee that these foreign engagements, particularly those by China, Iran, and Russia, “underscore the risks the United States faces by not being energetically and wisely engaged.”
The U.S. has indicated that current funding mechanisms, such as the widely proposed “2719 framework,” are unsuitable for Somalia. Instead, Washington advocates exploring innovative financing models beyond the traditional donor base. In response, African Union Commission leaders reportedly plan to visit Washington, D.C., to confer with U.S. officials.
The development follows the recent cancellation of a donor conference scheduled in Doha, Qatar. Whether the funding dilemma will be addressed during U.S. President Donald Trump’s then-anticipated visit to Qatar remains uncertain.
Compounding these challenges, the committee heard that the Al-Shabaab militant group is regaining territory. At the same time, Somalia’s federal government in Mogadishu remains hampered by corruption and dysfunction. The Islamist group reportedly retains both the intent and capability to target American interests.
Meservey proposed a strategic shift for the U.S.: Washington should collaborate directly with Somalia’s federal member states and other local authorities that are friendly, legitimate, and competent to degrade Al-Shabaab effectively. He also emphasized the necessity of coordinating with neighboring countries with vital security interests in Somalia.
“State-building in Somalia is a failed experiment,” Meservey asserted. “Clan remains the fundamental organising principle of Somali society, making a strong central government unworkable. Yet Washington has spent over a decade trying to build that kind of system in Mogadishu.”
Senator James Risch, the committee chair, echoed these concerns, noting that recent violence in Somalia, Sudan, and Ethiopia has destabilized the broader region, creating fertile ground for extremist groups like Al-Shabaab, ISIS, and the Houthis. He criticized the U.S. response to these conflicts over the preceding four years as “fragmented and reactive,” stressing the urgent need for a more cohesive and strategic approach.
Adding another layer of complexity, Senator Pete Ricketts warned of the Houthis’ alleged strengthening ties with Iran and their potential links to Al-Shabaab and ISIS in Somalia. He cautioned that, if unaddressed, these connections could further destabilize the region, threaten crucial maritime trade routes, empower other militias, and forge a multi-front threat to U.S. interests on the continent.
“It’s a very real problem,” Meservey affirmed. “Kenyans would say it is their primary national security threat—the prospect of Al-Shabaab acquiring advanced drones, for example, from the Houthis, or otherwise gaining more advanced capabilities.”