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Soomaaliya iyo dalal kale oo malaayiin dollar ku bixinaya maamulka Trump + Sababta

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Soomaaliya iyo dalal kale oo malaayiin dollar ku bixinaya maamulka Trump + Sababta

Washington (Caasimada Online) – Qaar ka mid ah dalalka ugu saboolsan caalamka, oo Soomaali ay ka mid tahay ayaa billaabay inay malaayiin dollar siiyaan shirkado ololayn (lobbyists) oo xiriir la leh Donald Trump, si ay u yareeyaan goynta Mareykanka ee kaalmada dibadda, sida uu kashifay baaritaan cusub.  

Soomaaliya, Haiti iyo Yemen ayaa ka mid ah 11 waddan oo heshiisyo waaweyn oo ololayn ah la saxiixday shakhsiyaad si toos ah ugu xiran madaxweynaha Mareykanka, kaddib markii uu si weyn u dhimay kaalmadii bani’aadannimo ee Mareykanku siin jiray dunida.

Waddamo badan ayaa durba billaabay inay kheyraadkooda dabiiciga ah ee muhiimka ah – oo ay ku jiraan macdanta – ku beddeshaan taageero bani’aadannimo ama mid militari, sida lagu ogaaday baaritaan ay samaysay hay’adda Global Witness.

Hay’adda USAID ayaa si rasmi ah albaabadeeda u xirtay toddobaadkii hore kaddib markii uu Trump meesha ka saaray hay’addaas, tallaabadaas oo ay khubaradu ka digeen inay sababi karto dhimasho ka badan 14 milyan oo qof oo laga hortegi karay shanta sano ee soo socota.

Emily Stewart, oo ah madaxa siyaasadda macdanta ee hay’adda Global Witness, ayaa sheegtay in xaaladdan ay ka dhigan tahay in heshiisyada laga dhex wado Washington ay noqon karaan “kuwo rajo-beel ku jiro oo aan dan u ahayn dalalka dakhligoodu hooseeyo,” kuwaas oo si isa soo taraysa ugu nuglaaday in si arxan darro ah looga faa’iidaysto kheyraadkooda dabiiciga ah.

Dokumiintiyo la helay ayaa muujinaya in lix bilood gudahood markii ay dhacday doorashadii Mareykanka ee bishii Nofeembar ee sannadkii hore, la saxiixay qandaraasyo qiimahoodu dhan yahay $17 milyan (£12.5m) oo u dhexeeya shirkado ololayn oo xiriir la leh Trump iyo qaar ka mid ah waddamada ugu horumarka yar adduunka, kuwaas oo ka mid ahaa dalalkii ugu badnaa ee ka faa’iidi jiray USAID.

Diiwaanno la gudbiyey si waafaqsan sharciga Diiwaangelinta Wakiillada Dibadda ee Mareykanka (U.S. Foreign Agents Registration Act) ayaa daaha ka rogay in waddamada qaar ay saxiixdeen qandaraasyo dhowr ah, oo ay ku jirto Jamhuuriyadda Dimoqraadiga ah ee Congo (DRC), oo sannado badan la daalaa dhacaysay barakac ballaaran iyo colaado salka ku haya kheyraadkeeda macdanta.

DRC waxay qarka u saaran tahay inay heshiis macdan ah la gasho Mareykanka si ay uga hesho taageero ka dhan ah fallaagada ay taageerto Rwanda, taasoo shirkadaha Mareykanka u oggolaanaysa inay helaan macdanta lithium, cobalt iyo coltan.

DRC – oo ka mid ahayd 10-ka waddan ee ugu sarreeya ee kaalmada ka heli jiray USAID – ayaa qandaraasyo qiimahoodu yahay $1.2 milyan la saxiixatay shirkadda ololaynta ee Ballard Partners.

Shirkaddan, oo uu leeyahay Brian Ballard, waxay u ololayn jirtay Trump kahor doorashadii Mareykanka ee 2016, waxayna ka mid ahayd deeq-bixiyeyaasha ugu waaweyn ee ololihii siyaasadeed ee madaxweynaha Mareykanka.

Soomaaliya iyo Yemen waxay heshiisyo la saxiixdeen shirkadda BGR Government Affairs – oo ay la kala galeen $550,000 iyo $372,000 siday u kala horreeyaan.

Sean Duffy, oo hore lammaane uga ahaa shirkadda BGR, ayaa hadda ah wasiirka gaadiidka ee Trump, taasoo ka mid ah xiriiro badan oo isku murugsan oo u dhexeeya madaxweynaha Mareykanka iyo shirkaddan ololaynta.

Dowladda Pakistan, oo ah waddan la tacaalaya saboolnimo baahsan balse aad hodan ugu ah macdanta, ayaa laba qandaraas la saxiixatay shirkado ololayn oo xiriir la leh Trump, kuwaas oo bishii ku kacaya $450,000.

Pakistan ayaa hadda heshiisyo kula jirta shakhsiyaad kala duwan oo ka tirsan dadka ugu dhow Trump, oo uu ku jiro madaxweynaha ilaaliyahiisii hore ee Keith Schiller.

Helitaanka kheyraadka dabiiciga ah ee muhiimka ah ayaa mudnaan u noqotay Trump, gaar ahaan macdanta dhifka ah (rare earth minerals). Kuwaan waxaa loo arkaa inay muhiim u yihiin amniga Mareykanka, balse silsiladaha sahayda caalamiga ah waxaa gacanta ku haya Shiinaha.

Dalal kale ayaa bixinaya marin u helid gaar ah oo dekedo, saldhigyo militari, iyo macdanta dhifka ah si ay u helaan taageerada Mareykanka.

Inkastoo Global Witness ay sheegtay in isku beddelka jagooyinka ee u dhexeeya dowladaha iyo shirkadaha ololaynta aysan ahayn wax cusub, haddana waxay hay’addu sheegtay inay ka walaacsan tahay dhaqdhaqaaqyada ballaaran ee dhaca ku salaysan ee horseedaya heshiisyada cusub.

Stewart waxay tiri: “Waxaan aragnaa dhimis weyn oo lagu sameeyay kaalmada, oo ay wehliso tartan aan gabbasho lahayn oo loogu jiro macdanta muhiimka ah, iyo rabitaan ay maamulka Trump u qabaan inay heshiisyo ku xaqiijiyaan si ay ugu beddelaan kaalmo ama gargaar militari.”

“Heshiisyadu waa inay noqdaan kuwo daah-furan oo caddaalad ah. Waxaa muhiim ah in la aqoonsado doorka ay kaalmada caalamiga ahi ka ciyaarto abuurista adduun nabdoon oo loo wada dhan yahay, iyo in kaalmadaas ay sii lahaato door u gaar ah oo ka madax bannaan ganacsiga.”

NISA oo fulisay saddex howlgal oo khasaare culus lagu gaarsiiyay Al-Shabaab

Guuleed Muuse
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NISA oo fulisay saddex howlgal oo khasaare culus lagu gaarsiiyay Al-Shabaab

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Ciidanka Hay’adda Sirdoonka iyo Nabad-sugidda Qaranka (NISA) ayaa howl-gallo qorsheysan saacadihii lasoo dhaafay ka fuliyay deegaannnada Qoordheere, Xawaala-kulan, Reydableey iyo magaalada Ceelbaraf oo dhammaantood ka tirsan gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe.

Howl-galladan ayaa waxaa lagu dilay ilaa 13 xubnood oo isugu jiray maleeshiyaad iyo horjoogeyaal ka mid ahaa kooxda Al-Shabaab, sida lagu shaaciyay qoraal kasoo baxay hay’adda NISA.

Howl-galka koowaad ayaa ka dhacay deegaanka Qoordheere oo hoostaga degmada Raagaceelle ee gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe, waxaa lagu beegsaday koox Shabaab ah oo afartii maalin ee u dambeysay isku abaabulayey halkaas.

Howl-galkan ayaa lagu dilay ilaa afar xubnood oo Shabaab ah, waxaana la burburiyay Teendhooyin iyo keyd hub ah oo ay ka sameysteen geedaha hoostooda.

Dhanka kale, inta u dhaxeysa deegaannada Xawaala-kulan iyo Reydableey ee gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe, waxaa laga hortagay maleeshiyaad ka tirsan kooxda oo halkaas ka waday qorshe ay doonayeen in ay amniga ku carqaladeeyaan.

Hay’adda ayaa sheegtay in isla goobtaas lagu dilay shan xubnood oo isugu jiray maleeshiyaad iyo horjoogeyaal ka tirsanaa kooxda Al-Shabaab.

Howl-galka saddexaad oo ka dhacay buurta Ceelbaraf oo dhinaca galbeed 2 KM kaga beegan magaalada Ceelbaraf ee gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe ayaa waxaa lagu bartilmaameedsaday koox kale oo Shabaab ah oo maleegayay dhagaro argagixiso, ilaa afar maleeshiyaad ah ayaana halkaas lagu soo afjaray, sida ay sheegtay hay’addu.

Xog: Imaaraadka oo dhabar jebiyey Somalia iyo Turkey – Itoobiya oo la siinayo Berbera

Caasimada Online
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Xog: Imaaraadka oo dhabar jebiyey Somalia iyo Turkey – Itoobiya oo la siinayo Berbera

Abu Dhabi (Caasimada Online) – Imaaraatka Carabta ayaa si xooggan uga shaqeynaya heshiis uu Itoobiya ugu kireynayo saldhig milatari oo uu ka dhisay Somaliland, tallaabadaas oo ah mid si xeeladaysan looga gol leeyahay in lagu wiiqo saamaynta sii ballaaranaysa ee Turkiga uu ku leeyahay Geeska Afrika, sida ay sheegeen saraakiil Soomaali ah iyo ilo xog-ogaal u ah qorshahan xasaasiga ah.

Dhaqdhaqaaqan ay waddo Abu Dhabi ayaa lagu eedeeyay inuu si bareer ah u hurinayo khilaafka halista ah ee u dhexeeya Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya ee ku aaddan helitaanka marin-badeed, taasoo meesha ka saaraysa dhexdhexaadin uu Turkigu hormuud ka ahaa, isla markaana ku riixaysa gobolkan istiraatiijiga ah qalalaase hor leh.

Xudunta qorshahani waa saldhig milatari oo muhiim ah oo ku yaalla dekedda Berbera ee Somaliland, kaasoo uu dhisay Imaaraatka Carabta. Sida ay ilo-wareedyo u sheegeen Caasimada Online, Imaaraatka oo ka walaacsan heshiis difaac oo ballaaran oo ay horaantii 2024 kala saxiixdeen dowladda Soomaaliya iyo Turkiga oo ay xafiiltamaan, ayaa saldhigga u bandhigay dalka aan badda lahayn ee Itoobiya.

Tallaabadan ayaa xal degdeg ah u noqonaysa hamiga Itoobiya ee muddo dheer ahaa inay hesho marin-badeed, iyadoo isku mar wiiqaysa xiriirka Turkiga iyo Soomaaliya, sidoo kalena caqabad ku noqonaysa madax-bannaanida Soomaaliya. Si uu doorkiisa u qariyo, Imaaraatka ayaa la sheegay inuu heshiiska u qaabeeyay mid si toos ah u dhexmara Itoobiya iyo Somaliland, taasoo ka dhigaysa inuu isagu yahay maskaxda aan muuqan ee ka dambaysa xiisaddan sii kordhaysa.

Jawaab celin xeeladaysan

Istaraatiijiyadda Imaaraatka Carabta ayaa jawaab toos ah u ah heshiiska iskaashi ee dhinacyada difaaca iyo dhaqaalaha ee 10-ka sano ah, kaasoo ay bishii Febraayo 2024 kala saxiixdeen Turkiga iyo Soomaaliya. Heshiiskaas taariikhiga ah ayaa Turkiga, oo ah saaxiibka ugu weyn ee Muqdisho, siinaya awoodda uu ku difaaco xeebaha ballaaran ee Soomaaliya, taasoo Ankara siinaysa saameyn awood leh oo ay ku yeelato Gacanka Cadmeed iyo Badweynta Hindiya.

“Imaaraatka wuxuu ka walaacsan yahay saamaynta sii kordhaysa ee Turkiga uu ku leeyahay Geeska Afrika, gaar ahaan Itoobiya iyo Soomaaliya,” sidaa waxaa yiri ilo-wareed xog-ogaal u ah mowqifka dowladda Soomaaliya.

Si taas looga hortago, Abu Dhabi waxay adeegsatay hantideeda ku taalla Somaliland, halkaasoo shirkaddeeda ay dowladdu wadaagto ee DP World ay sidoo kale ka shaqeyso dekadda weyn ee konteenarada. Markii ay saldhigga milatari ee ku dheggan dekadda u bandhigtay Itoobiya, Imaaraatka waxaa loo arkaa inuu ka faa’iideysanayo baahida istiraatiijiyadeed ee Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Ahmed uu u qabo deked ciidan-badeed si uu u wiiqo isbahaysiga Turkiga iyo Soomaaliya.

Somaliland, oo ah jamhuuriyad iskeed ugu dhawaaqday madax-bannaani balse caalamku u aqoonsan yahay inay qayb ka tahay Soomaaliya, ayaa la sheegay inay ogolaatay qorshahan, kaasoo u adeegaya hadafkeeda ugu weyn: inay goobteeda istiraatiijiga ah uga faa’iideysato sidii ay ku heli lahayd aqoonsi siyaasadeed.

Dibloomaasiyad burburtay

Dabin-siyaasadeedka Imaaraatka ayaa kiciyay isku dayo diblomaasiyadeed oo degdeg ah balse ugu dambayn fashilmay. Itoobiya, inkastoo ay aqbashay dalabka, waxay markii hore isku dayday inay xaaladda maamusho iyadoo qorshaheeda la wadaagtay Turkiga.

Ankara ayaa si degdeg ah uga jawaabtay, waxayna la xiriirtay Muqdisho iyadoo isku dayday inay dhex-dhexaadiso qorshe kale oo Itoobiya siinaya marin-deked ganacsi iyadoo aan lagu xadgudbin madax-bannaanida Soomaaliya. Wasiirka Difaaca Soomaaliya, Cabdulqaadir Maxamed Nuur, ayaa loo diray Turkiga, halkaasoo uu ku xaqiijiyay inaan miiska oollin wax heshiis ah oo ku lug leh dhinaca milatari ama wax u dhimaya dhulka Soomaaliya.

Sidoo kale, Turkigu wuxuu kaashaday dalka Qatar si uu cadaadis u saaro hoggaanka Somaliland inay joojiyaan heshiiska, waxaana Qatar ay wada-hadallo ku casuumtay madaxweynaha Somaliland Cabdiraxmaan Cirro oo tegay Doha. Laakiin dadaalladaas waxaa si degdeg ah uga hormaray tallaabooyinka difaaca ah ee Soomaaliya.

Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud oo qorshaha Berbera u arkayay mid khatar toos ah oo ay suuragelisay quwad shisheeye, ayaa u duulay Qaahira si uu u dardargeliyo heshiis difaac oo uu la galo Masar, oo ah dal ay gobolka ku xafiiltamaan Itoobiya iyo Qatar oo saaxiib la ah Turkiga. Tallaabadan, oo loogu talagalay inay noqoto mid ka hortag ah, ayaa Addis Ababa u fasiratay inay tahay burburkii ugu dambeeyay ee wadahadal kasta oo uu Turkigu hoggaaminayay, taasoo ku kaliftay inay si go’aan leh ugu sii gudubto qorshaha Somaliland.

Xiisaddan ayaa muujinaysa sida ay Soomaaliya u noqotay goob dagaal oo muhiim ah oo loo loollamayo saamaynta u dhexaysa wadamada Khaliijka iyo Turkiga. Kaalinta Imaaraatka ee la sheegay inuu ku leeyahay fashilinta heshiiska ayaa si dhab ah khilaafkii laba geesoodka ahaa ee Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya u beddelay iska hor imaad dhinacyo badan leh.

Iska horimaadka hadda taagan ayaa isku beegay isbahaysi ay ku jiraan Itoobiya, Somaliland, iyo Imaaraatka oo ka soo horjeeda isbahaysi ay ku jiraan Soomaaliya, Turkiga, Qatar, iyo Masar.

Soomaaliya, heshiiskan wuxuu halis ku yahay midnimadeeda dhuleed, waxaana soo abaabulay waddan mar ahaa saaxiib dhow. Dhanka Imaaraatka, waa ciyaar siyaasadeed oo khatar badan si loo xakameeyo waddan ay xafiiltamaan, iyadoo xasilloonida Geeska Afrika ay halis ku jirto.

Imaaraadka Carabta & Afrika: Awood, saameyn, colaad iyo adeegsiga Soomaaliya

Simon Marks
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Imaaraadka Carabta & Afrika: Awood, saameyn, colaad iyo adeegsiga Soomaaliya

Abu Dhabi (Caasimada Online) – Taariikhdu markii ay ahayd 23-kii November, Sheikh Shakhboot bin Nahyan Al Nahyan, oo ah diblomaasi sare oo ka tirsan Imaaraatka Carabta, ayaa ka degay magaalada Bangui, caasimadda Jamhuuriyadda Afrikada Dhexe, isagoo u waday dalab Madaxweyne Faustin-Archange Touadéra.

Dalabkaas oo ahaa in dowladda qaniga ah ee Khaliijka ay maalgashi ku samayso qaybaha difaaca, macdanta, iyo beeraha ee waddankan Afrikaanka ah, ayadoo beddelkeeda loo oggolaanayo inay isticmaasho dhabbooyinka diyaaradaha ee ku yaal bariga fog ee dalkaas saboolka ah, sida ay sheegeen laba sarkaal oo ka tirsan dowladda Afrikada Dhexe oo xog ogaal u ahaa wadahadallada iyo laba diblomaasi oo reer Galbeed ah oo warbixin laga siiyey arrintan.

Dalabkan—oo horseeday heshiis iskaashi dhaqaale oo la saxiixay bishii Maarso—ayaa qayb ka ah dadaal sii kordhaya oo Imaaraatku ku doonayo inuu ku ballaariyo saamayntiisa gobolkan oo leh khayraad macdan iyo beero aad u ballaaran, isla markaana uu ku xoojiyo taageerada uu siiyo maleeshiyada Ciidanka Gurmadka Degdegga ah (Rapid Support Forces – RSF) ee Suudaan, sida ay sheegeen dadkaas oo codsaday inaan magacyadooda la sheegin maadaama aan loo oggolayn inay la hadlaan warbaahinta.

Heshiiska lala galay Jamhuuriyadda Afrikada Dhexe ayaa imaanaya xilli dowladdan Khaliijku ay dhistay shabakad sahayeed oo ay ku taageerto RSF-ta kuna muujinayso awooddeeda waddamada deriska la ah Suudaan, taasoo ay ka mid yihiin isbitaallo guurguura oo laga dhisay meelo ka baxsan xuduudda dalalka Chad iyo Koonfurta Suudaan, sida ay sheegeen diblomaasiyiin, falanqeeyayaal iyo saraakiil ka tirsan gobolka. Helitaanka dhabbooyinka diyaaradaha ee Afrikada Dhexe waxay Imaaraatka siinaysaa marin kale oo uu si qarsoodi ah hubka ugu gaarsiin karo RSF, sida ay sheegeen. Imaaraatku wuxuu muddo dheer beeninayey inuu taageero kooxdaas fallaagada ah.

Imaaraadka iyo Suudaan

Bishii Maajo, maxkamadda ugu sarraysa Qaramada Midoobay—Maxkamadda Caalamiga ah ee Caddaaladda (International Court of Justice) ee fadhigeedu yahay Hague—ayaa laashay dacwad ay ciidanka Suudaan ka gudbiyeen Imaaraatka Carabta, iyadoo ku sababaysay inaanay awood u lahayn baaritaanka eedeymahaas. Ciidanka ayaan racfaan ka qaadan xukunkaas. Falanqeeyayaashu waxay sheegeen in Imaaraatku uu taageero RSF—oo toban sano ka hor kala dagaallantay Xuutiyiinta Yemen iyadoo qayb ka ahayd isbahaysi ay hoggaaminayeen Sacuudiga iyo Imaaraatku—sababtoo ah dowladdan qaniga ah ee Khaliijka waxay ka soo horjeeddaa Islaamiyiinta siyaasiga ah sida kuwa ku jira ciidanka Suudaan.

“Marka la eego Suudaan, Imaaraatku wuxuu si adag u diidayaa eedeymaha sheegaya inuu hub siinayo mid ka mid ah dhinacyada ku lugta leh colaadda socota. Eedeymahani waa kuwo aan sal iyo raad toona lahayn, mana jiraan wax caddayn ah oo la taaban karo oo loo hayo,” ayuu yiri afhayeen u hadlay wasaaradda arrimaha dibadda ee Imaaraatka oo ka jawaabayay su’aalo faahfaahsan oo qoraal ahaan loo diray. Sarkaalkaasi si gaar ah ugama uusan jawaabin su’aal ku saabsanayd eedeymaha ka imaanayey diblomaasiyiinta reer Galbeedka ee ahaa inay dhiseen shabakad taageero oo ay siiyaan RSF waddamada ku hareeraysan Suudaan.

Mareykanka ayaa horaantii sanadkan cunaqabatayn saaray kooxdan maleeshiyada ah, wuxuuna ku eedeeyay inay geysteen xasuuq qowmiyadeed intii uu socday dagaalka sokeeye ee arxan darrada ah ee labada sano socday ee ay kula jireen ciidanka Suudaan—oo Mareykanku isna cunaqabatayn saaray, kuna eedeeyay inuu gabood-fallo geystay—kaasoo ay ku dhinteen tobanaan kun oo qof, ayna ku barakaceen 12 milyan oo kale. Dagaalku wuxuu qarxay Abriil 2023 ka dib markii madaxda labada dhinac ay ku guuldareysteen inay gaaraan heshiis awood qaybsi ah, kaasoo ka dambeeyay afgambi ay si wadajir ah u maleegeen 2021-kii oo ka dhan ahaa kacdoon dimoqraadi ah oo shacabku wadeen.

Sanadihii la soo dhaafay, Imaaraatku wuxuu hormuud ka ahaa dalalka Khaliijka ee saamayntooda ku dhisaya Afrika, isagoo ballanqaaday balaayiin dollar oo maalgashi ah dhinacyada tamarta la cusboonaysiin karo, saadka, teknolojiyadda, hantida ma-guurtada ah iyo beeraha, isagoo ka sara maray dalal ay ka mid yihiin Shiinaha iyo kuwa Yurub marka la eego maalgashiga tooska ah ee shisheeye (FDI) ee la ballanqaaday. Istaraatiijiyaddan ayaa qayb ka ah olole ballaaran oo caalami ah oo Imaaraatku dhaqaalihiisa kaga beddelayo ku tiirsanaanta saliidda, uguna faa’iideysanayo fursadaha ka jira dhinacyada sida ganacsiga iyo tamarta la cusboonaysiin karo.

“Ka qaybgalkayagu ma aha mid ku salaysan danaysi; waxaa hagaya qiyam aan wadaagno iyo aragti ku wajahan horumar waara iyo koboc loo dhan yahay,” ayuu yiri afhayeenka Imaaraatka.

Hadafka kama dambaysta ah ee Imaaraatka ee Afrika ma cadda, laakiin waxay u muuqataa inuu ka yar yahay lacag samayn—inta badan $2 bilyan ee dahabka Suudaan laga dhoofiyo waxay horeyba ugu socdeen dalkaas si loo sifeeyo, sida ay sheegtay wasaaradda maaliyadda ee Suudaan—laakiin uu ka weyn yahay inuu isu dhiso awood weyn oo ku leh qaarad ay saaxiibadeedii muddada dheer ee Reer Galbeedka iyo Shiinuhu ka sii jeesanayaan, sida uu sheegay Connor Vasey, oo ah la-taliye sare oo dhanka Afrika ah oo ka tirsan shirkadda J.S. Held ee fadhigeedu yahay London.

“Imaaraatku wuxuu tobanaan sano ku bixiyay barashada sida ay kuwa kale saamayntooda ugu abuureen uguna muujiyeen qaaradda,” ayuu yiri, isagoo tixraacaya quwadihii hore ee gumeystayaasha sida Faransiiska iyo ciyaartoyda cusub sida Shiinaha. “Laakiin hadda saaxiibadii soo jireenka ahaa ee dawladaha Afrika way ka sii gurayaan ama weli ma fahansana—taasoo fursad weyn u siinaysa Imaaraatka.”

Dowladaha Afrika weli aad ayay ugu baahan yihiin saaxiibbo shisheeye si ay u horumariyaan dhaqaalahooda, Imaaraatkuna wuxuu, si aan qaali ahayn marka loo eego dowlad shidaalka ku tiirsan oo qani ah, si degdeg ah saameyn ugu yeelan karaa heshiisyo maalgashi, gargaar bani’aadamnimo iyo inuu dhinac ka raaco khilaafaadka gudaha, sida ay sheegeen falanqeeyayaashu.

Marka laga soo tago Jamhuuriyadda Afrikada Dhexe, Imaaraatku wuxuu bixiyay $600 milyan oo gargaar bani’aadannimo ah oo uu siiyay Suudaan tan iyo markii uu dagaalku qarxay, wuxuuna maalgeliyay $3.5 bilyan oo mashaariic bani’aadamnimo ah tobankii sano ee la soo dhaafay, sida ay sheegtay Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda ee Imaaraatka. Laga soo bilaabo 2023 ilaa 2024, kaalmada dibadda ee Imaaraatka ee Afrika, oo ay ku jiraan horumarinta iyo gargaarka bani’aadamnimada, waxay gaartay $1.01 bilyan, taasoo wax yar ka yar $1.2 bilyan ee la bixiyay 2021 iyo 2022. Sanadkii hore, Imaaraatku wuxuu sameeyay ballanqaadkiisii ugu weynaa ee Afrika ilaa hadda oo ahaa $35 bilyan oo maalgashi ah, kaasoo ku dhowaad keligiis soo afjaray qalalaase dhanka sarifka lacagaha ah oo ka jiray Masar.

Dadka dhaleeceeya ayaa ku andacoonaya in dalkan qaniga ah uu isku dayayo inuu sumcaddiisa hagaajiyo xilli uu isku mar hubeynayo maleeshiyaad sida RSF-ta Suudaan.

“Isbahaysiyada sii kordhaya ee Imaaraatka ee Chad, Afrikada Dhexe, Itoobiya, Koonfurta Suudaan, Suudaan iyo Liibiya waxay muujinayaan sida ay Geeska Afrika muhiim ugu tahay himilooyinkooda gobolka,” ayuu yiri Cameron Hudson, oo ah xubin sare oo ka tirsan Barnaamijka Afrika ee Xarunta Daraasaadka Istaraatiijiyadeed iyo Kuwa Caalamiga ah (Center for Strategic and International Studies) waana falanqeeye hore oo CIA-da uga soo shaqeeyay arrimaha Afrika.

Madaxweynaha Jabuuti Ismaaciil Cumar Geelle ayaa wareysi uu siiyay Jeune Afrique bishii Maajo ku sheegay in Imaaraatka “siyaasaddiisu guud ahaan ay si qoto dheer u khalkhal gelinayso xasilloonida gobolka oo dhan.”

Tan iyo bishii Abriil, ciidanka Suudaan waxay ka sifeeyeen fariisimaha RSF-ta ee caasimadda Khartoum waxayna dib ula wareegeen gobollada dhexe ee dalka, taasoo muujinaysa xaddidaadda taageerada Imaaraatka, sida ay sheegeen falanqeeyayaashu. RSF-tu waxay tan iyo markaas dib ula wareegtay gacan ku haynta qaybo badan oo ka mid ah gobolka Kordofan ee koonfurta Suudaan waxayna ciidanka ka qabsatay aag istiraatiiji ah oo saddex xagal ah oo ku yaal xuduudda waqooyi-galbeed ee u dhaxaysa Masar iyo Liibiya.

Tallaabadii ugu horreysay ee muhiimka ahayd ee Imaaraatku ku galay colaadaha Afrika waxay ahayd 2014, markii uu hub iyo maalgelin ku taageeray isku daygii taliyaha militariga Liibiya, Khalifa Haftar, uu ku doonayay inuu awoodda kula wareego dalkaas oo ah kan labaad ee ugu soo saarka badan saliidda Afrika. Afhayeenka Imaaraatka kama uusan hadlin door kasta oo ay ku yeelan kareen Liibiya, inkastoo dalku uu hore u ammaanay ciidanka Haftar uuna ku baaqay in si nabad ah lagu xalliyo dhibaatooyinka Liibiya.

Tan iyo markaas, wuxuu dadaalladiisa qaaradda ku ballaariyay si ay u soo galaan maalgashiga iyo gargaarka bani’aadamnimada. Imaaraatku wuxuu laba isbitaal oo guurguura ka dhisay Chad iyo mid kale Koonfurta Suudaan, isagoo xiriir dhaqaale oo dhow la yeeshay dowladaha Uganda, Kenya iyo Jamhuuriyadda Afrikada Dhexe. Falanqeeyayaasha, diblomaasiyiinta iyo saraakiisha dowladda ee gobolka waxay sheegeen in maalgelintu ay sidoo kale gacan ka geysatay sidii loo soo jiidan lahaa taageero siyaasadeed oo ka timaada waddamada deriska ah si ay u taageeraan RSF-ta.

Imaaraadka iyo Soomaaliya

Soomaaliya gudaheeda, Imaaraatku wuxuu ballaariyay garoonka diyaaradaha ee magaalada xeebta ah ee Boosaaso halkaas oo uu ka maamulo xarun sahayeed oo gobolka ah, uuna ku tababaro kuna taageero ciidamada militariga ee maamulka Puntland ee iskiis u madaxbannaan, sida ay sheegeen saddex diblomaasi oo reer Galbeed ah oo ku adkaystay inaan magacyadooda la sheegin si ay uga hadlaan arrimo xasaasi ah. Sawirro dayax-gacmeed laga qaaday ayaa muujinaya ballaarin weyn oo lagu sameeyay garoonka diyaaradaha Boosaaso oo leh meelo cusub oo rarka lagu dejiyo, dhabbo la dheereeyay iyo dhowr hangar oo la dhisay tan iyo bilowgii 2023, xilligaas oo ku beegan markii uu dagaalka Suudaan qarxay.

Sannadkii 2022, DP World, oo ah shirkad sahayda qaabilsan oo fadhigeedu yahay Dubai, ayaa heshiis dhismo la saxiixatay dowladda Puntland si loo casriyeeyo dekedda Boosaaso.

“Maanta, waxaan la shaqaynaa in ka badan 50 waddan oo Afrikaan ah dhinacyo kala duwan, oo ay ku jiraan tamarta waarta, sugnaanta cuntada, kaabayaasha, waxbarashada, isbeddelka dhijitaalka ah, iyo daryeelka caafimaadka. Afartii sano ee la soo dhaafay, kaalmada dibadda ee Imaaraatka ee Afrika waxay ahayd mid joogto ah, iyadoo taageertay 51 waddan oo ka faa’iideystayaal ah,” ayuu yiri afhayeenka Imaaraatka.

Warbixin ay soo saartay bishii Maajo, hay’adda Amnesty International waxay diiwaangelisay jiritaanka hub Shiinuhu sameeyay oo yaalla Suudaan, kaasoo ay sheegtay in “sida ugu dhow ee la hubo” uu Imaaraatku u diray RSF-ta. Hay’adda xuquuqda aadanaha waxay isticmaashay xogta hubka adduunka ee ka timid hay’adda cilmi-baarista Sweden ee SIPRI si ay u go’aamiso in Imaaraatku yahay dalka keliya ee iibsaday qalabkaas muddadii warbixinta—madfaca noociisu yahay Norinco 155mm AH-4.

Imaaraatku wuu dafiray inuu dhoofiyay qalabkaas. “Madfaca lagu xusay warbixinta waa nidaam lagu soo saaray meel ka baxsan Imaaraatka, wuxuuna suuqa caalamiga ah ku jiray ku dhawaad toban sano. Sheegashada ah in hal waddan oo keliya uu iibsaday ama wareejiyay nidaamkan waa mid aan sax ahayn,” ayuu afhayeenka Imaaraatku u sheegay Bloomberg.

Brian Castner, madaxa cilmi-baarista dhibaatooyinka ee Amnesty, ayaa sheegay inay tahay “wax aan suurtagal ahayn” in dal kale oo dano istiraatiiji ah ka leh Suudaan uu si qarsoodi ah u iibsaday qalabkaas, si aan la ogeyn dalkiisa u geeyay, ka dibna u raray Khartoum.

Tan iyo 2014, Imaaraatku wuxuu saldhigyo militari, oo intooda badan aan la shaacin, ka samaystay lix waddan—oo ay ku jiraan Yemen, Soomaaliya, Chad iyo Liibiya—”si uu u horumariyo hadafyadiisa militari, amni, iyo dhaqaale ee gobolka,” sida lagu sheegay warbixin ay soo saartay 2024-kii Xarunta Carnegie ee Nabadda Caalamiga ah (Carnegie Center for International Peace).

“Imaaraatka, heerkan sirta ah wuxuu lagama maarmaan u yahay si loo yareeyo sumcad-xumada siyaasadeed—ha ahaato mid ka timaada dadweynaha deegaanka, oo diidi kara joogitaanka Imaaraatka, iyo sumcadda caalamiga ah ee dalka, gaar ahaan meelaha saldhigyadu u adeegeen inay taageeraan dhinacyada dagaallamaya ee waddamada colaaduhu la degeen,” ayaa lagu yiri warbixinta.

Imaaraatku kama uusan jawaabin su’aal ku saabsanayd eedeymaha ku jiray warbixinta Carnegie.

Qabanqaabooyin la mid ah oo laga sameeyay waddamada ku hareeraysan Suudaan waxay raacayaan qorshihii Imaaraatka ee Liibiya, ayuu yiri Hudson—hawlgallo bani’aadannimo oo lagu daboolayo gaarista hadafyadooda militari iyo siyaasadeed.

“Reer Chad waxay si cad Imaaraatka ugu fasaxeen inuu maamulo hawlgal taageero oo casri ah oo qarsoodi ah oo loogu talagalay RSF,” ayuu yiri. Imaaraatku kama uusan hadlin xiriirka uu la leeyahay Chad.

Sanadkii 2023, Imaaraatku wuxuu ku dhawaaqay inuu isbitaal guurguura ka dhisayo magaalada Amdjarass ee dalka Chad si uu u taageero qaxootiga Suudaan ee ka soo cararaya xuduudda Suudaan. Baarayaal ka tirsan Qaramada Midoobay ayaa sanadkii hore sheegay inay “la aamini karo” caddaymo muujinaya in Imaaraatku u isticmaalayay dhabbo diyaaradeed oo u dhow isbitaalka guurguura si uu hub ugu geeyo RSF-ta. Warbixin ka soo baxday Qaramada Midoobay sanadkan ayaa lagu sheegay in khubaradu ay dhowaan “awoodi waayeen inay xaqiijiyaan wareejinta agab militari” oo ka yimid Amdjarass kuna socday RSF-ta.

Afhayeenka Imaaraatka ayaa sheegay in eedeymaha ku saabsan inuu hub soo geliyo Suudaan ay yihiin “kuwo aan sal lahayn.” Sarkaalku si gaar ah ugama uusan jawaabin su’aal ku saabsanayd in hawlgalladiisa Chad loo isticmaalo in lagu taageero RSF-ta, laakiin dalku muddo dheer ayuu beeninayay arrintaas.

Dhowaanahan, Imaaraatku wuxuu xarun caafimaad ka furay Koonfurta Suudaan halkaas oo uu ku daweeyay “dhammaan kuwa u baahan, iyadoon loo eegin isir, diin, jinsi ama aragti siyaasadeed,” ayay Reem Kait, oo ah ku-xigeenka wasiir ku-xigeenka arrimaha siyaasadda ee wasaaradda arrimaha dibadda ee Imaaraatka, u sheegtay garsoorayaasha Maxkamadda Caalamiga ah ee Caddaaladda bishii Abriil.

Warbixin aan la daabicin oo soo baxday November oo ay aragtay Bloomberg, khubaro ka tirsan Qaramada Midoobay waxay sheegeen inay jirtay koror ku yimid duulimaadyada xamuulka ee ka imaanayay Imaaraatka kuna socday Amdjarass iyo N’Djamena intii u dhaxeysay May iyo Sebtembar 2024, taasoo ku soo beegantay xilli ay sii kordheen colaadaha magaalada El Fasher ee Suudaan, taasoo sare u qaadday suurtagalnimada “hawlgallo qarsoodi ah oo suurtagal ah.”

Bishii Maarso, dowladdan Khaliijka waxay wafdi heer sare ah oo uu ku jiro Al Nahyan u dirtay xerada qaxootiga ee Gorom ee magaalada Juba ee Koonfurta Suudaan si ay “u muujiyaan midnimo ay la leeyihiin bulshooyinka barakacay” ee ka soo cararay dagaalka Suudaan.

Isla bishaas, waxay xarigga ka jartay isbitaalkeeda guurguura ee gobolka Waqooyiga Bahr el Ghazal ee Koonfurta Suudaan, oo u dhow xuduudda Suudaan.

In kasta oo Imaaraatku sheegay in rugta caafimaadku ay “wax ka qaban doonto baahiyaha degdegga ah ee daryeelka caafimaadka,” qaar badan oo ka mid ah dadka lagu daweeyay isbitaalka ilaa hadda waxay ahaayeen askar dhaawac ah oo u dagaallamaysa RSF-ta, sida ay sheegeen laba sarkaal oo caafimaad oo deegaanka ah, kuwaasoo ka gaabsaday in magacyadooda la sheego cabsi ay ka qabaan aargoosi.

“Guud ahaan, Imaaraatku wuu kala duwayaa hawlihiisa. Aad ayuu diiradda u saaray Chad sidaa darteed wuxuu aaday Koonfurta Suudaan wuxuuna hadda eegayaa Jamhuuriyadda Afrikada Dhexe,” ayuu yiri Hudson, falanqeeyaha. “Tani waxay u muuqataa mid si qorshaysan oo istiraatiiji ah loo sameeyay.”

Dalalka Spain iyo Ireland oo ku biiraya 20 dal oo qaadaya tallaabo ka dhan ah Israel

Caasimada Online
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Dalalka Spain iyo Ireland oo ku biiraya 20 dal oo qaadaya tallaabo ka dhan ah Israel

Madrid (Caasimada Online) – In ka badan 20 waddan ayaa isugu imaanaya magaalada Bogota toddobaadka soo socda si ay ugu dhawaaqaan “tallaabooyin wax-ku-ool ah oo ka dhan ah ku xadgudubka Israel ee sharciga caalamiga ah,” sida ay diblomaasiyiin u sheegeen Middle East Eye.

Shirkan degdegga ah ayaa la qorsheeyay inuu dhaco 15-16 Luulyo, waxaana si wadajir ah u martigelinaya dowladaha Colombia iyo South Africa oo ah labada guddoomiye ee Ururka The Hague Group, si ay isaga kaashadaan tallaabooyinka diblomaasiyadeed iyo kuwa sharci ee lagaga hortagayo waxa ay ku tilmaameen “jawiga isla-xisaabtan la’aanta” ee ay horseedka ka yihiin Israel iyo xulafadeeda awoodda badan.

Ururka The Hague Group waa isbahaysi hadda ka kooban siddeed waddan, kaas oo lagu daah-furay 31-kii Janaayo magaalada uu magaciisa wato ee dalka Holland, iyadoo ujeeddadiisu tahay in Israel lala xisaabtamo si waafaqsan sharciga caalamiga ah.

“Aasaaskii ururka The Hague Group bishii Janaayo wuxuu calaamad u ahaa isbeddel weyn oo ku yimid jawaabta caalamiga ah ee ku wajahan ka-reebanaanshaha sharciga iyo nabaad-guurka ballaaran ee ku yimid sharciga caalamiga ah,” ayuu Roland Lamola, wasiirka xiriirka caalamiga ah iyo iskaashiga ee South Africa, u sheegay Middle East Eye.

“Dareenkaas oo kale ayaa iftiimin doona shirka Bogota, halkaas oo ay dowladaha isugu yimid ka diri doonaan farriin cad: in aanu jirin waddan sharciga ka sarreeya, dembi kastana lala xisaabtami doono,” ayuu raaciyay.

“Si wadajir ah, waxaan uga shaqayn doonnaa soo bandhigidda tallaabooyin wax-ku-ool ah oo sharci, diblomaasiyadeed iyo dhaqaale oo si degdeg ah loogu joojin karo burburinta Israel ay ku hayso Falastiiniyiinta.”

Dagaalka Israel ee Gaza, oo ay khubaro iyo dowladoba si isa soo taraysa ugu tilmaameen xasuuq, ayaa lagu dilay in ka badan 57,000 oo Falastiiniyiin ah, wuxuuna barakiciyay ku dhawaad dhammaan dadweynihii tan iyo bishii Oktoobar 2023. Weerarku wuxuu dhulka Falastiiniyiinta ka dhigay mid aan ku habboonayn nolosha, isagoo laba milyan oo qofna ku reebay gaajo.

“Xasuuqa Falastiiniyiinta wuxuu halis ku yahay nidaamkeenna caalamiga ah ee dhinacyada badan leh,” ayuu Mauricio Jaramillo Jassir, wasiir ku xigeenka arrimaha dhinacyada badan ee Colombia, u sheegay Middle East Eye.

“Colombia kama aamusi karto marka ay aragto midab-takoor iyo isir-sifayn.”

“Magaalada Bogota, dowladaha isugu yimid kaliya ma adkayn doonaan ballanqaadkooda ku aaddan ka hortagga xasuuqa, laakiin waxay dejin doonaan tallaabooyin gaar ah si hadalka loogu beddelo ficil wadareed.”

Xubnaha aasaasayaasha ururka waxaa ka mid ahaa Bolivia, Colombia, Cuba, Honduras, Malaysia, Namibia, Senegal iyo South Africa.

Waddamada la filayo inay ka qaybgalaan shirka waxaa ka mid ah Algeria, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, China, Cuba, Djibouti, Honduras, Indonesia, Ireland, Lebanon, Malaysia, Namibia, Nicaragua, Oman, Portugal, Spain, Qatar, Turkey, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Uruguay, iyo Falastiin.

Mas’uuliyiinta ka qaybgalaysa waxaa ka mid ah Ergeyga gaarka ah ee Qaramada Midoobay u qaabilsan Falastiin, Francesca Albanese; madaxa hay’adda Qaramada Midoobay u qaabilsan qaxootiga Falastiiniyiinta (UNRWA), Philippe Lazzarini; Ergeyga gaarka ah ee Qaramada Midoobay u qaabilsan xaqa caafimaadka, Tlaleng Mofokeng; guddoomiyaha kooxda shaqada ee Qaramada Midoobay ee takoorka ka dhanka ah haweenka iyo gabdhaha, Laura Nyirinkindi; iyo Andres Macias Tolosa, oo ka tirsan kooxda shaqada ee Qaramada Midoobay ee arrimaha calooshood-u-shaqeystayaasha.

Tallaabooyin wax-ku-ool ah

Xubnaha Ururka The Hague Group waxay horey u qaadeen tallaabooyin waaweyn 20-kii bilood ee la soo dhaafay si ay u difaacaan una dhaqangeliyaan sharciga caalamiga ah.

South Africa, tusaale ahaan, waxay dacwad taariikhi ah oo ka dhan ah Israel ka gudbisay Maxkamadda Caalamiga ah ee Caddaaladda (ICJ), taasoo ku saabsan ku xadgudubka Axdiga Xasuuqa ee Gaza.

Dhowr waddan oo ka tirsan isbahaysiga ayaa markii dambe ku biiray dacwaddii South Africa ee ICJ, kuwaas oo ay ka mid yihiin Bolivia, Colombia iyo Namibia.

Intaa waxaa dheer, Namibia iyo Malaysia waxay dekedahooda ka hor istaageen maraakiib hub u siday Israel inay ku soo xirtaan, halka Colombia ay xiriirkii diblomaasiyadeed u jartay dowladda Israel.

Maadaama dadaalladan si gooni-gooni ah loo qaaday, Ururka The Hague Group wuxuu hiigsanayaa inuu isku dubbarido tallaabooyinka ay qaadayaan dalalka xubnaha ka ah iyo kuwa taageersan si loo helo saameyn xooggan.

Sida ay sheegtay isku-duwaha ururka, Varsha Gandikota-Nellutla, ururka waxaa qayb ahaan loo aasaasay iyadoo laga falcelinayo u hoggaansami la’aanta dowladaha ee waajibaadka sharci ee caalamiga ah ee qasabka ah.

Tani waxay tixraac ku tahay diidmadii ay dowladaha reer Galbeedka qaarkood kala horyimaadeen amarradii xarigga ee ay Maxkamadda Dambiyada Caalamiga ah (ICC) u jartay Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Israel Benjamin Netanyahu iyo wasiirkiisii hore ee gaashaandhigga Yoav Gallant bishii Nofeembar 2024, iyo sidoo kale sida ay Israel ugu guuldareysatay inay u hoggaansanto amarro dhowr ah oo ka soo baxay Maxkamadda ICJ oo ahaa inay xaqiijiso in aan Axdiga Xasuuqa lagu xadgudbin gudaha Gaza.

Unpacking the potential for U.S. talks with Al-Shabaab

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Unpacking the potential for U.S. talks with Al-Shabaab

MOGADISHU, Somalia – The notion that the Trump administration might consider negotiations with Al-Shabaab is more than a provocative headline—it’s a potential geopolitical earthquake for the Horn of Africa. Raised by a former U.S. State Department advisor, the idea signals a possible dramatic shift from nearly two decades of entrenched American counterterrorism policy, posing urgent questions about the future of one of the world’s most protracted conflicts.

Hamza Warfa, a former senior advisor to the State Department under President Biden, has voiced this emerging viewpoint. In a recent interview with Universal Somali TV, Warfa argued that the United States’ exclusive military strategy has reached its limits.

“There are signs that talks could begin now,” he said, suggesting that a political settlement may be the only viable path forward. His remarks hint at behind-the-scenes discussions that could mark the beginning of a significant policy realignment—one rooted in the growing realization that a definitive military victory remains out of reach.

Should such a shift materialize, it would compel Washington to rethink its definitions of victory and failure in what has become America’s longest-running shadow war. But critical questions remain: Is dialogue with Al-Shabaab truly realistic? What would such engagement look like? And where would it leave the Somali government?

What it means: Acknowledging a stalemate

At its core, the contemplation of talks is a tacit admission that the existing U.S. policy—a nearly two-decade-long campaign of airstrikes and military support—has failed to achieve its ultimate goal: the definitive defeat of Al-Shabaab.

A shift from eradication to containment: It would signal a monumental change in U.S. counterterrorism strategy. Instead of seeking to destroy the group, the focus would pivot to neutralizing the direct threat it poses to the U.S. homeland and its interests. This is a pragmatic, if deeply controversial, move away from ideological confrontation toward conflict management.

The “endless war” doctrine in Action: This potential move aligns perfectly with President Donald Trump’s well-documented desire to extricate the U.S. from costly, seemingly unwinnable foreign military engagements. As with the withdrawal from Afghanistan, the primary objective would be to end American involvement, even if it means negotiating with a long-standing adversary.

Legitimizing the insurgency: For Al-Shabaab, direct talks with a superpower would be a massive propaganda victory. It would elevate them from a “terrorist group” to a legitimate political and military actor on the world stage, a status they have long craved.

Is it possible? Hurdles and precedents

The path to negotiation is fraught with obstacles, but it is not impassable.

The legal barrier: The primary hurdle is Al-Shabaab’s designation as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) in 2008. This law prohibits the U.S. government from providing “material support,” and negotiations could be considered such. However, the executive branch has significant leeway in foreign policy. A presidential administration committed to talks could find legal workarounds or issue waivers, just as it did with the Taliban.

The precedent of Afghanistan: The U.S. talks with the Taliban in Doha set a powerful precedent. That process demonstrated that an FTO designation is not an insurmountable barrier when there is a political will for negotiation. Supporters of this approach would argue that if it was possible with the group that harbored Al-Qaeda before 9/11, it is possible with an Al-Qaeda affiliate.

Mutual Motivation: For talks to be possible, both sides need a reason to come to the table.

For the U.S.: The motivation is clear: end a costly and seemingly endless military commitment in a region that is not a top-tier strategic priority.

For Al-Shabaab: While ideologically opposed to the West, the group is also under constant military pressure. A deal that ensures the withdrawal of U.S. drones and foreign African troops would be a strategic windfall, allowing them to consolidate power and pursue their domestic agenda. The chance to achieve their primary goal—the removal of foreign forces—through negotiation is a powerful incentive.

What could an agreement look like?

Any potential agreement would likely mirror the core structure of the U.S.-Taliban deal, focusing on a “terrorism for troops” trade.

U.S. Demands: The non-negotiable item for Washington would be a binding commitment from Al-Shabaab to sever all ties with transnational terrorist networks, specifically Al-Qaeda. The U.S. would demand guarantees that Somali territory will never again be used as a haven to plan or launch attacks against the United States or its allies.

Al-Shabaab demands: The group’s central demand would be the complete withdrawal of all foreign military forces from Somalia, including U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) personnel and the African Union (ATMIS) mission. They would also demand the lifting of international sanctions, the removal of the FTO designation, and likely some form of international recognition or at least non-interference.

The unsettled questions: The most challenging part of any agreement would involve the future of Somalia itself. An agreement would likely be vague on internal Somali politics but could touch upon the following:

Power-sharing: A potential role for Al-Shabaab in governing parts or all of the country. This could range from recognized regional autonomy in their strongholds to a formal role in a national unity government.

Sharia law: Al-Shabaab’s demand for the implementation of its strict interpretation of Islamic law would be a significant point of contention.

Disarmament: The question of what to do with thousands of Al-Shabaab fighters needs to be addressed, although this is often deferred to a later, intra-Somali stage of negotiations.

The critical question: What about the Somali government?

This is the most perilous aspect of the entire scenario. Direct U.S.-Al-Shabaab talks would place the internationally recognized Somali Federal Government (SFG) in a highly vulnerable position.

Sidelined and undermined: As the Afghan government was largely excluded from the initial U.S.-Taliban talks, the SFG would likely be sidelined as well. This would fatally undermine its legitimacy, showing the world—and its people—that its primary security partner is negotiating its future with its mortal enemy.

Loss of leverage: The SFG’s authority is heavily dependent on international military and financial support. If the U.S., its main backer, signals a desire to exit, the government loses its most significant piece of leverage. Its stalled military offensive already reveals its limitations without robust foreign support.

Forced to the Table: Ultimately, the U.S. goal would be to move an intra-Somali dialogue between the government and Al-Shabaab. However, by that point, the power dynamics would have been fundamentally altered. The SFG would be forced to negotiate from a position of profound weakness, with Al-Shabaab emboldened and legitimized by its deal with the United States.

In conclusion, while the prospect of U.S.-Al-Shabaab talks is still speculative, it represents a logical, if jarring, endpoint for a foreign policy doctrine focused on ending “endless wars.” It is possible, following the blueprint from Afghanistan, but it would be fraught with risk.

Such a deal could secure narrow U.S. counterterrorism interests. However, it would do so at the likely cost of the current Somali political order, paving the way for a future where Al-Shabaab holds recognized political power.

UAE sabotages Somalia-Turkey alliance with base deal

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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UAE sabotages Somalia-Turkey alliance with base deal

MOGADISHU, Somalia – The United Arab Emirates is actively negotiating a deal for Ethiopia to lease a UAE-built military base in Somaliland, a calculated move to counter Turkey’s expanding influence in the Horn of Africa, according to Somali officials and sources familiar with the sensitive negotiations.

This maneuver by Abu Dhabi is accused of deliberately inflaming the volatile dispute between Somalia and Ethiopia over sea access, effectively torpedoing Turkish-led mediation and pushing the strategically vital region closer to conflict.

At the center of the plan is a strategic military installation in the port of Berbera, Somaliland, which the UAE constructed. According to Caasimada Online sources, the UAE, alarmed by a major defense pact signed between its rival Turkey and the Somali government earlier this year, offered the base to landlocked Ethiopia.

The move provides a ready-made solution for Ethiopia’s decades-long quest for sea access while simultaneously striking at the heart of Turkish-Somali relations and challenging Somali sovereignty. To obscure its role, the UAE has reportedly structured the deal to be a bilateral agreement directly between Ethiopia and Somaliland, effectively making itself the unseen architect of the escalating crisis.

A calculated countermove

The UAE’s strategy is a direct response to the 10-year defense and economic cooperation agreement signed between Turkey and Somalia in February 2024. That landmark pact grants Turkey, a key ally of Mogadishu, the authority to defend Somalia’s extensive coastline, giving Ankara a powerful foothold in the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean.

“The UAE is concerned about the growing influence of Turkey in the Horn of Africa, especially in Ethiopia and Somalia,” a source privy to the Somali government’s position stated.

To counter this, Abu Dhabi leveraged its existing assets in Somaliland, where its state-linked firm DP World also operates the main container port. By offering the adjacent military base to Ethiopia, the UAE is seen as exploiting Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s strategic desperation for a naval port to undermine the Turkey-Somalia alliance.

Somaliland, the self-declared republic that is internationally recognized as part of Somalia, has reportedly agreed to the arrangement, which serves its own primary goal: leveraging its strategic location to gain political recognition.

Diplomacy derailed

The UAE’s gambit triggered a frantic but ultimately failed diplomatic sequence. Ethiopia, while accepting the offer, initially sought to manage the fallout by informing Turkey of its plans.

Ankara immediately engaged, alerting Mogadishu and attempting to broker an alternative that would grant Ethiopia commercial port access without violating Somali sovereignty. Somalia’s Defense Minister, Abdulkadir Mohamed Nur, was dispatched to Turkey, where he confirmed that any deal involving a military dimension or compromising Somali territory was off the table.

Turkey also enlisted Qatar to pressure the Somaliland leadership to halt the deal. But these efforts were quickly outpaced by Somalia’s defensive maneuvers.

Viewing the Berbera plan as a direct threat enabled by a foreign power, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud flew to Cairo to expedite a defense pact with Egypt, a regional rival of both Ethiopia and Turkey’s ally, Qatar. This move, intended as a deterrent, was interpreted by Addis Ababa as the final collapse of any Turkish-led dialogue, prompting it to move forward decisively with the Somaliland plan.

The crisis highlights how Somalia has become a pivotal battleground in the broader proxy struggle for influence between Gulf states and Turkey. The UAE’s alleged involvement in the alleged sabotage has effectively transformed a bilateral Somali-Ethiopian dispute into a multi-party confrontation.

The standoff now pits an alignment of Ethiopia, Somaliland, and the UAE against a bloc that includes Somalia, Turkey, and Egypt.

For Somalia, the deal represents a threat to its territorial integrity, orchestrated by a nation that was once a close ally. For the UAE, it is a high-stakes geopolitical play to contain a rival, with the stability of the Horn of Africa hanging in the balance.

Uganda oo ku hanjabtay in ay ka baxeyso Soomaaliya kadib markii Mareykanka…

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Uganda oo ku hanjabtay in ay ka baxeyso Soomaaliya kadib markii Mareykanka…

Kampala (Caasimada Online) – Taliyaha Ciidamada Difaaca ee Uganda, Jenaraal Muhoozi Kainerugaba, ahan wiilka uu dhalay madaxweyne Yoweri Museveni, ayaa soo jeediyay in dalkiisu uu ka fiirsan karo inuu gebi ahaanba ciidamadiisa kala baxo Soomaaliya, isagoo sabab uga dhigay wada-hadallo sir ah oo uu sheegay inay dhex mareen dowladda Mareykanka iyo kooxda Al-Shabaab.

Sheegashadan oo aan weli la xaqiijin, ayaa waxay u badan tahay inay dhalin doonto dood ku saabsan mustaqbalka doorka Uganda ee howlgalka nabad ilaalinta Midowga Afrika (African Union) iyo su’aalo guud oo la xiriira isbeddellada isbahaysiga amniga ee gobolka Geeska Afrika oo xasaraduhu aafeeyeen.

War-saxaafadeedka, oo uu bartiisa bulshada ku wadaagay kaaliyaha dhanka militariga ee Muhoozi, Kornayl Chris Magezi, ayaa kasoo xigtay Taliyaha Ciidanka inuu sheegay in Mareykanka iyo guud ahaan wadamada Reer Galbeedka ay u muuqdaan inay aqoonsanayaan kooxo xiriir la leh Al-Qaacida oo ku sugan Suuriya, ayna suuragal tahay inay sidaas oo kale u aqoonsadaan Al-Shabaab oo Soomaaliya ku sugan.

Wuxuu intaas ku daray in xitaa Israa’iil, oo ay Uganda iskaashi dhanka amniga la leedahay, aysan u muuqan inay ka walaacsan tahay horumarradan.

“Waxaan xitaa maqlaynaa in Mareykanku uu wada-hadallo sir ah la billaabay Al-Shabaab oo Soomaaliya joogta,” ayaa lagu yiri farriinta, waxaana lagu soo gabagabeeyay baaq ah “in aan ka codsanno Taliyaheena Sare ee sharafta leh inuu ka fiirsado ka bixitaan buuxa oo Soomaaliya ah 18 sano kaddib.”

Uganda waxay joogitaan militari ku lahayd Soomaaliya tan iyo sanadkii 2007, iyadoo hoos imaanaysay howlgalka nabad ilaalinta ee Midowga Afrika, marka hore AMISOM, haddana ATMIS loo badalay.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, ballanqaadkan ayaa waxaa sii kordhayay su’aalaha laga keenayay gudaha dalka Uganda, gaar ahaan kaddib weeraro dilaa ah oo ay Al-Shabaab ku qaadday fariisimaha Uganda, oo uu ku jiro weerarkii bishii May 2023 lagu qaaday saldhigga UPDF ee deegaanka Buulo Mareer, halkaas oo lagu dilay daraasiin askari.

Inkastoo hadalka Muhoozi uu culeys leeyahay, haddana ma jirto caddeyn la hayo oo taageeraysa sheegashada ah in Mareykanku uu wada-hadallo toos ah kula jiro Al-Shabaab.

Kooxda ayaa weli ah mid ay dawladda Maraykanku u aqoonsan tahay urur argagixiso, siyaasadda Maraykankuna waxay si joogto ah u ahayd mid mudnaanta siisa weerarrada milatari, hawlgallada sirdoonka, iyo taageeridda ciidamada federaalka Soomaaliya, intii laga doorbidi lahaa wada-hadal lala yeesho kooxda.

Falanqeeyayaasha amniga ayaa ku taliyay in taxaddar laga muujiyo fasiraadda hadalka Taliyaha Ciidanka. Qaar waxay soo jeedinayaan inay ka tarjumayso niyad-jab ka dhashay wax ay u arkaan laba-wajiilenimo ka timid saaxiibbada caalamiga ah, ama inay calaamad u tahay dulqaad la’aanta sii kordheysa ee Uganda ee ku aaddan howlgalka dheeraaday ee ku guul-darreystay inuu keeno xal siyaasadeed oo cad Soomaaliya.

Qaar kale waxay u arkaan hadalkan inuu yahay isku day hore oo lagu doonayo in lagu saameeyo doodaha siyaasadeed ee ku saabsan bixitaanka ATMIS oo loo qorsheeyay inuu dhammaado Diseembar 2024.

Maadaama xilligaas hadda la dhaafay oo ay jirto hubanti la’aan ku saabsan awoodda Soomaaliya ay si madaxbannaan amniga ugu maareyn karto, hadalka Jenaraal Muhoozi wuxuu ka tarjumi karaa qanacsanaan la’aan sii kordheysa oo ku saabsan kala-guurka kaddib ATMIS iyo doorka laga filayo Uganda inay ciyaarto mustaqbalka.

Dhanka kale, waxay noqon kartaa farriin la sii qorsheeyay. Waagii hore, Madaxweyne Museveni, oo ah aabaha Muhoozi, wuxuu diri jiray hanjabaadyo aan toos ahayn oo ku saabsan ka bixitaan mar kasta oo ay yaraato taageerada Washington.

Tani waxay ku dhowaad mar walba keeni jirtay in maalgelin dheeri ah loo helo howlgalka.

Hadalka fagaaraha ah ee Jenaraal Muhoozi ayaa sidoo kale waxaa u arkaan falanqeeyayaashu inuu qayb ka yahay dib-u-habeyn ballaaran oo lagu samaynayo hawlgallada milatari ee Uganda ee dibadda.

Uganda waxay weli si xooggan uga howlgashaa Jamhuuriyadda Dimoqraadiga ah ee Congo, waxayna taariikh ahaan door hoggaamineed ka qaadatay hawlgallada nabadda iyo amniga gobolka.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, baahiyaha amniga gudaha oo sii kordhaya iyo culeyska dhaqaale ayaa ku riixaya siyaasad-dejiyeyaasha inay dib u qiimeeyaan ballanqaadyada dibadda.

Ka-qaybgalka Uganda ee Soomaaliya ayaa muddo dheer loo arkayay mid gacan ka geysanaya xasilloonida gobolka, iyo sidoo kale muujinta daacadnimada saaxiibbada caalamiga ah, gaar ahaan Mareykanka.

Talo kasta oo ku saabsan ka bixitaan, gaar ahaan haddii lagu saleeyo kalsooni darro laga qabo isla saaxiibadaas, waxay calaamad u noqon kartaa isbeddel weyn oo ku yimaada siyaasadda arrimaha dibadda ee Uganda.

In kasta oo hadalka Muhoozi aanay taageerin war-saxaafadeed rasmi ah oo ka soo baxay dowladda, haddana daabicitaankiisa ee xafiiskiisa ka yimid waxay soo jeedinaysaa in loogu talagalay in lagu kiciyo doodaha dadweynaha iyo kuwa siyaasadeed.

Hadda, Uganda waxay weli tahay mid ka mid ah dalalka ugu muhiimsan ee wax ku kordhiya ATMIS. Laakiin iyadoo ay jirto hubanti la’aan sii kordheysa oo ku saabsan xasilloonida Soomaaliya, iyo isbeddellada awoodaha gobolka oo sii kordhaya, hadalka Jenaraal Muhoozi wuxuu calaamad u noqon karaa bilowga siyaasad milatari oo ka adag, oo gudaha diiradda saaraysa, oo ay qaadato Kampala.

Uganda Gen. urges Somalia exit over US-Shabaab claim

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Uganda Gen. urges Somalia exit over US-Shabaab claim

KAMPALA, Uganda – Uganda’s influential military chief has called for a complete withdrawal of the country’s troops from Somalia, citing unverified claims of secret negotiations between the United States and the Al-Shabaab militant group.

The statement by General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the son of President Yoweri Museveni, casts fresh uncertainty on the future of the long-running African Union peacekeeping mission at a critical juncture for Somali security.

The explosive claim, which has not been independently confirmed and contradicts stated US policy, was reported on Thursday, July 10, 2025. It was reportedly first disseminated on social media by Colonel Chris Magezi, a military assistant to Gen. Kainerugaba.

“We even hear that the US has begun secret negotiations with Al Shabaab in Somalia,” the general was quoted as saying. “We will implore our great Commander-in-Chief to consider total withdrawal from Somalia after 18 years.”

Washington has designated Al-Shabaab, an affiliate of Al-Qaeda, as a terrorist organization since 2008. US policy has consistently focused on combating the group through military support for the Somali Federal Government and via its counter-terrorism operations, including frequent airstrikes.

U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) reported conducting strikes against Al-Shabaab militants as recently as late June 2025, underscoring its official posture of direct military confrontation, not negotiation.

As of Thursday, the US Department of State had not issued a formal response to Kainerugaba’s specific allegation.

A mission in transition

The remarks from Uganda’s top general, who was appointed Chief of Defence Forces in March 2024, come at a precarious time for the international presence in Somalia. The Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) forms the backbone of the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS), having been the first foreign force to deploy to Mogadishu in 2007.

ATMIS and its predecessor, AMISOM, succeeded in pushing Al-Shabaab out of the capital and other major urban centers. However, the insurgents retain control over vast swathes of rural Somalia and continue to launch deadly attacks.

The mission is currently in a period of significant flux. A deadline for a full drawdown of ATMIS forces by December 31, 2024, has passed. A new, smaller follow-on mission, known as the AU Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM), is struggling with significant funding shortfalls and logistical challenges.

Security analysts suggest Gen. Kainerugaba’s statement could serve multiple purposes. It may reflect genuine frustration within Kampala over the protracted and costly Somali deployment, which has claimed the lives of hundreds of Ugandan soldiers, most notably in a devastating attack on a UPDF base in Bulo Marer in May 2023.

However, the threat of withdrawal is also a familiar tactic for Kampala. President Museveni’s government has historically used such pronouncements as leverage to secure increased international funding for the mission or to register displeasure with the policies of its global partners.

“This could be a textbook message,” one regional security analyst noted. “President Museveni has previously hinted at pulling out whenever financial support from Washington or Brussels appeared to be dwindling, often resulting in renewed financial commitments to the mission.”

An assertive new leadership

The public and provocative nature of the statement is also characteristic of General Kainerugaba. The 51-year-old general, widely seen as a potential successor to his father, is known for his often erratic and undiplomatic posts on the social media platform X, which have previously sparked diplomatic incidents with neighboring countries.

His call for a withdrawal, framed as a response to perceived betrayal by a key ally, could signal a more assertive and potentially isolationist turn in the foreign policy of a nation that has long been a linchpin of regional security operations in the Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes region.

While Uganda’s government has not yet officially endorsed the general’s call, the statement from the office of the Chief of Defence Forces has undeniably ignited a debate on the future of Uganda’s nearly two-decade-long commitment to stabilizing its volatile neighbor.

For now, Ugandan troops remain on the ground, but Kainerugaba’s words have sent a clear signal of Kampala’s growing impatience.

Riyadh oo u jeesatay Tehran – Isbaheysi cusub oo ka dhismaya Gacanka Persia

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Riyadh oo u jeesatay Tehran – Isbaheysi cusub oo ka dhismaya Gacanka Persia

Riyadh (Caasimada Online) – Iska horimaadkii u dambeeyay ee dhexmaray Iran iyo Israel wuxuu muujiyay isbeddel muuqda oo ku yimid awoodda gobolka, gaar ahaan Gacanka Beershiya.

Jawaabtii milatari ee tooska ahayd ee Iran ay bixisay – taasoo uu fuliyay Ciidanka Ilaalada Kacaanka Islaamiga (IRGC) – waxay soo bandhigtay nuglaanshaha istiraatiijiyadeed ee Tel Aviv, waxayna ku qasabtay dalalka Gacanka, oo ay ugu horreyso Riyadh inay dib u qiimeeyaan aragtidoodii hore ee ku saabsanayd amniga gobolka.

Dib-u-qiimayntan Sucuudigu hoggaaminayo kaligeed ma imaan. Waxay ka dhalatay guuldarrooyin is-biirsaday oo dhinacyada siyaasadda, milatariga, iyo diblomaasiyadda ah oo sannado badan ka hoos jiray dalladda Maraykanka iyo Israel, kuwaasoo ku riixay waddamada Gacanka inay raadiyaan habab amni oo ka macquulsan oo aan iska horimaad ku dhisnayn.

Waxa aan hadda goobjoog ka nahay waa burburka gaabiska ah ee isbahaysiyo duugoobay iyo furitaanka wada-hadallo pragmatik ah oo dano ku dhisan oo lala yeelanayo Tehran.

Iran oo indhaha u furtay dalalka Khaliijka

Qaabkii ay Tehran u maareysay isku dhicii milatari ee ugu dambeeyay – oo ay ku adeegsatay weerarro bartilmaameed sax ah, isbahaysi goboleed, iyo xiisad kororsi la xakameeyay – waxay muujisay heersare oo awood is-hortaag ah.

Tehran, iyadoo adeegsanaysa shabakadaheeda gobolka, saldhigyadeeda gantaalaha, iyo diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn ee casriga ah, waxay si taxaddar leh u maamushay iska horimaadka, iyadoo iska ilaalisay in lagu jiido dagaal baahsan, laakiin isla markaasna fariimo cad u dirtay cadowga oo ku saabsan awooddeeda ay isku difaaci karto kuna ballaarin karto dagaalka haddii loo baahdo.

Farriinta loo diray dalalka Gacanku way caddayd: Iran ma aha mid go’doonsan ama nugul. Waxay awood u leedahay inay saamayn ku yeelato natiijooyinka ka soo baxa jihooyin badan iyadoon ku dhicin dagaal dhammaystiran.

Diblamaasi Carbeed oo si wanaagsan xog-ogaal ugu ah arrimahan ayaa u sheegay warbaahinta The Cradle: “Dagaalkani wuxuu ahaa marxalad isbeddel ku keentay fikirka Sucuudiga.

Riyadh hadda waxay fahamsan tahay in Iran ay tahay awood milatari oo qaan-gaar ah, oo aan lagu cabsiin karin qasab. Cadaadiskii hore hadda ma shaqaynayo. Amniga Sucuudigu wuxuu hadda ku xiran yahay wada-hadal toos ah oo lala yeesho Iran – ee kuma xirna Israel, gaar ahaan kuma xirna dalladda amniga Maraykanka oo sii libdhaysa.”

Xudunta walaaca Sucuudiga waxaa ah gardarrada sii kordhaysa ee Tel Aviv ay ku hayso Falastiiniyiinta iyo sida ay gebi ahaanba u diiday hindisayaashii nabadeed ee Carabta, oo uu ku jiro Hindisihii Nabadda ee Carabta ee 2002 oo Riyadh ay hoggaaminaysay.

Madax adayga Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu – gaar ahaan ballaarinta deegaamaynta gardarrada ah ee Qudus iyo Daanta Galbeed ee la haysto – ayaa walaac ku abuurtay Sucuudiga.

Daandaansiyadani kaliya ma wiiqayaan dadaallada diblomaasiyadeed, laakiin waxay sidoo kale dharbaaxo ku yihiin sharciyadda Boqortooyada ee dhinaca Islaamka, taasoo ku qasbaysa inay dib u qiimeeyaan faa’iidada Israel ay u leedahay iskaashi istiraatiijiyadeed.

Sida uu sheegay isha diblomaasiyadeed: “Is-mari waaga siyaasadeed ee Israel wuxuu ku riixayaa Sacuudiga inuu dib uga fikiro halka uu danihiisa gobolka ka raadsanayo, uuna u arko Iran inay tahay awood goboleed oo aan la iska indho tiri karin.”

Riyadh oo u jeesatay Tehran: Istaraatiijiyad xakamayn ah

Albaabada xiran gadaashooda, Sacuudigu wuxuu horumarinayaa istiraatiijiyad ah “xakamayn togan” oo uu kula dhaqmayo Iran. Tani waxay calaamad u tahay ka guuritaan cad oo laga tagayo xilligii dagaallada wakiilnimada iyo colaadda fikirka ku dhisnayd. Riyadh hadda ma raadinayso iska horimaad – waxay raadinaysaa isku-dubbarid, gaar ahaan arrimaha amniga gobolka iyo tamarta.

Ilo diblomaasiyadeed ayaa u sheegay The Cradle in dib-u-furitaanka safaaradaha iyo iskaashiga dhinaca ammaanka ee la xoojiyay aysan ahayn oo kaliya natiijo ka dhalatay dhexdhexaadinta Shiinaha.

Waxay ka tarjumayaan qanaaco Sacuudi oo qoto dheer: in heshiis lala galo Israel uusan keenayn wax faa’iido amni ah oo la taaban karo, gaar ahaan ka dib markii ay soo baxday nuglaanshaha Tel Aviv dagaalkii ugu dambeeyay.

Jidka cusub ee Riyadh waxay sidoo kale muujinaysaa rabitaankeeda sii kordhaya ee ah in xalalka gobolka laga raadiyo meel ka baxsan Washington – mowqif ay si isa soo taraysa ula wadaagayaan dalalka kale ee Gacanka Beershiya.

Dhinaceeda, Jamhuuriyadda Islaamiga ah waxay si degdeg ah ugu dhaqaaqaysaa inay awooddeeda milatari u beddesho mid siyaasadeed. Marka laga soo tago soo bandhigidda awooddeeda gantaalaha iyo diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn, Iran waxay hadda si firfircoon u soo jiidanaysaa dawladaha Carabta ee Gacanka iyadoo u soo bandhigaysa hindisayaal iskaashi dhaqaale, is-dhexgal goboleed, iyo dhisidda qaab-dhismeed amni oo maxalli ah.

Ilo xog-ogaal ah ayaa u sheegay The Cradle in Iran ay waddo dedaallo iskaashi oo dhammaystiran oo ay la yeelanayso Sacuudiga, Imaaraadka, Qatar, iyo Cumaan. Tani waxaa ka mid ah iskaashi dhaqaale iyo isku-waafajin arrimaha muhiimka ah ee gobolka, laga soo bilaabo Yemen ilaa Suuriya iyo Ciraaq.

Mowqifka Tehran wuxuu waafaqsan yahay aragtideeda ay mudada dheer ku celcelinaysay: Amniga Gacanka Beershiya waa in ay go’aamiyaan dawladaha iyo dadka ku teedsan – ee uusan go’aamin ajandayaal shisheeye.

Isbahaysi cusub oo gacanka ah oo qaabaysmaya

Tani hadda ma aha sheeko Sucuudiga oo keliya ku kooban. Imaaraadku wuxuu ballaarinayaa iskaashiga dhaqaale ee uu la leeyahay Tehran, isagoo isla markaasna ilaashanaya xiriir amni oo furan.

Qatar waxay sii waddaa xiriir diblomaasiyadeed oo adag oo ay la leedahay Iran, iyadoo sumcaddeeda u adeegsanaysa inay dhexdhexaadiso wadahadallada muhiimka ah ee gobolka. Cumaan waxay weli tahay buundada lagu kalsoon yahay iyo dhexdhexaadiyaha aamusan ee gobolka.

Diblamaasi Carbeed oo lagu soo wargeliyay horumarradii ugu dambeeyay ayaa u sheegay The Cradle: “Kulamada soo socda ee Gacanka iyo Iran waxay diiradda saari doonaan marinnada Hormuz, isku-dubbaridka tamarta, iyo arrimaha kale ee gobolka. Waxaa jira is-afgarad sii xoogaysanaya oo ah in heshiis lala gaaro Iran uu albaabka u furayo marxalad xasilloon oo ka dhalata Gacanka.”

Isbeddelladan dhexdeeda, Israel waxay isku aragtay in gobolka laga go’doomiyay – mashruuceedii ahaa in la abuuro isbahaysi ka dhan ah Iran ayaa burburay. Heshiisyadii Abraham Accords ee uu Maraykanku garwadeenka ka ahaa – oo mar loo buunbuuniyay guul istiraatiijiyadeed – hadda ma soo jiitaan wax ka badan danayn la’aan edeb ku dheehan tahay oo ka jirta Gacanka, iyadoo xitaa dalalkii hore u saxiixay ay ka laabanayaan ka qaybgalkoodii.

Madaxda siyaasadda ee Riyadh hadda si furan ayay u su’aalayaan faa’iidada heshiis lala galo Israel. Sida Tel Aviv ay dagaalkeeda uga waddo Gaza, dadweynaha Gacanka ayaa codkoodu sii xoogaysanayaa, madaxda Sacuudiguna waxay noqonayaan kuwo aad uga taxaddara.

Mowqifka Sucuudigu waa mid aan afka laga sheegin laakiin si cad loo dareemi karo: Tel Aviv hadda ma dammaanad qaadi karto ammaan, sidoo kalena looma arki karo albaabka laga galo xasilloonida gobolka.

Danta oo ka guuleysaneysa caqiidada

Isku-soo-dhowaanshaha Sacuudiga iyo Iran ma aha mid ku dhisan fikir – waa mid ku salaysan dano dhab ah oo siyaasadeed (realpolitik). Sida uu diblamaasi kale oo sare oo Carbeed u sheegay The Cradle: “Riyadh waxay iska tuuraysaa dhalanteedkii.

Wada-hadal lala yeesho deriska – ee maaha isbahaysi lala yeesho Washington iyo Tel Aviv – ayaa hadda ah waddada lagu ilaashanayo danaha Sacuudiga. Tani waxay hadda ku saabsan tahay xaqiiqooyin, ee maaha daacadnimo hore. Iran hadda waa qayb muhiim ah oo ka mid ah isla’egta amniga Gacanka.”

Fikirkii ahaa “Gacanka vs. Iran” wuu sii libdhayaa. Dagaalkii ugu dambeeyay wuxuu dardargeliyay isbeddel muddo dheer soo socday: burburka Pax Americana iyo soo bixitaanka nidaam goboleed oo dhinacyo badan leh (multipolar regionalism). Gacanku wuxuu marayaa waddo cusub – mid aan ku xirnayn awaamiirta Maraykanka iyo Israel.

Maanta, Sacuudigu uma arko Tehran inay tahay khatar ay tahay in la baabi’iyo, laakiin wuxuu u arkaa awood ay tahay in lala macaamilo. Qaab-dhismeedyada amniga gobolka ayaa hadda laga dhisayaa gudaha. Dhanka kale, Israel, inkastoo ay ku celceliso hadallo badan oo ku saabsan “Bariga Dhexe” oo Tel Aviv hoggaaminayso oo ay Carabtu la safan tahay, waxay ku dhibtoonaysaa inay muhiimadeeda ilaaliso.

Haddii isbeddelladani sii jiraan, waxaan maraynaa geesta isbeddel taariikhi ah – mid laga yaabo in ugu dambayn u oggolaan doona Gacanka Beershiya inuu qeexo amnigiisa iyo madaxbannaanidiisa, si waafaqsan shuruudihiisa.

Tani ma aha mustaqbal ku dayasho mudan. Laakiin waa horumar istiraatiijiyadeed oo laga gaaray tobanaan sano oo daacadnimo indho la’aan ah. Sacuudigu wuxuu u jeesanayaa Iran – maaha jacayl darteed, laakiin waa caqli iyo dani ku qasabtay.

Shirka dhameystirka maamulka SSC oo dib u dhacay + Sababta

Guuleed Muuse
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Shirka dhameystirka maamulka SSC oo dib u dhacay + Sababta

Laascaanood (Caasimada Online) – Shirka dhammeystirka Dowlad-goboleedka SSC-Khaatumo oo lagu waday inuu galinka dambe ee maanta uu ka furmo magaalada Laascaanood ayaa dib u dhac ku yimid.

Shirka ayaa waxaa dib loo dhigay illaa Sabtida soo socota, xilli ay halkaas ku sugan yihiin wafdi ka socda dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya, kaasi oo uu hoggaaminayo wasiirka arrimaha gudaha XFS Cali Xoosh.

Dib u dhaca shirka ayaa salka ku haya khilaaf siyaasadeed ka dhex taagan hoggaanka SSC-Khaatumo iyo musharaxiinta mucaaradka, sida ay ku waramayaan illo wareedyo ku sugan magaalada Laascaanood.

Shirkan oo ay qaban-qaabadiisu leedahay dowladda fedeaalka ayaa waxaa diidmo kala horyimid musharixinta u taagan xilka Madaxweynaha SSC-Khaatumo, kuwaas oo ka biyo diidsan hannaanka ay dowladda dhexe u wajahday geeddi-socodka dhismaha maamulka.

Wararka ayaa sheegaya in weli taagan yahay buuq iyo dood ay saaka keeneen siyaasiyiinta mucaaradka oo ay horkacayaan musharrixiinta, kuwaas oo dhaq-dhaqaaq ka wada gudaha magaalada Laascaanood ee xarunta gobolka Sool.

Sidoo kale wararka ayaa intaasi kusii daraya in haatan ay socdaan waan-waan laga dhex bilaabay labada dhinac, waxaana ku howlan Isimada dhaqanka oo la rumeysan yahay in ay door muuqda ka qaateen go’aanka dib u dhigista shirka, si xal loo helo.

Si kastaba, SSC-Khaatumo ayaa isku diyaarineysa inay noqoto maamul dhameystiran, iyada oo dowladda federaalka u magacowday guddi farsamo oo howshaas guda-gala, kaas oo haatan ku sugan magaalada Laascaanood oo uu ka furmi doono shirka aayo ka tashiga.

Somaliland, Ethiopia revive controversial sea-access deal

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Somaliland, Ethiopia revive controversial sea-access deal

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia – Somaliland’s president is set to travel to Ethiopia to revive a contentious sea-for-recognition deal, officials said, a high-stakes move that threatens to scuttle recent diplomatic efforts and reignite a crisis with Somalia over its sovereign territory.

The planned visit by President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi “Irro” to meet Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed signals a return to a pact that would grant landlocked Ethiopia a naval base on the Red Sea. The initiative follows the collapse of Turkish-led mediation between Ethiopia and Somalia, steering the Horn of Africa back into volatile diplomatic waters.

This renewed push by the Somaliland leader effectively sidelines Somalia and places intense pressure on regional stability, pitting Ethiopia’s strategic quest for a coastline against Somalia’s vehement defense of its territorial integrity.

Somaliland’s Minister of the Presidency, Khadar Hussein Abdi, confirmed that a review of the original January 2024 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) would be the centerpiece of the talks in Addis Ababa.

The original MoU, signed on January 1, 2024, was a political bombshell. It proposed a 50-year lease for Ethiopia to establish a naval base and commercial port access on a 20-kilometer (12-mile) stretch of Somaliland’s coast, likely near the strategic port of Berbera.

In return, Ethiopia would offer Somaliland, a territory that declared independence from Somalia in 1991 but remains unrecognized, a stake in Ethiopian Airlines, and, critically, was expected to become the first nation to recognize its statehood formally. For President Irro, who won the election in late 2024, securing the deal would represent a monumental achievement in foreign policy for his new administration.

Somalia, however, reacted with fury, branding the agreement as an “act of aggression” and a violation of international law. The federal government in Mogadishu has since waged a relentless diplomatic campaign to have the deal annulled.

The direct talks between Hargeisa and Addis Ababa mark a definitive failure of the “Ankara Process.” Last December, Turkey, which maintains strong ties with Somalia, brokered an agreement between the leaders of Ethiopia and Somalia to de-escalate the crisis.

That framework called for technical negotiations to address Ethiopia’s economic need for sea access through conventional means that would respect Somalia’s sovereignty. However, those talks disintegrated by April, according to officials briefed on the matter.

“The process failed because Ethiopia refused to abandon its demand for a sovereign lease of territory for a military base,” said a diplomatic source who requested anonymity. “Somalia’s offer of standard port access was rejected, and there has been no formal contact since.”

The standoff has amplified geopolitical rivalries in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia, a nation of 120 million, views sea access as a vital national interest to fuel its economic growth and project power.

Somalia’s fierce opposition has been bolstered by Egypt, which sees Ethiopia’s regional ambitions as a threat. Cairo’s rivalry with Addis Ababa is dominated by a long-standing dispute over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Blue Nile, but it also extends to the Red Sea, a critical waterway for Egypt’s Suez Canal. The Cairo-Mogadishu alliance has formed a clear bloc to counter Ethiopian influence.

As President Irro prepares for his trip, his administration’s decision to pursue the bilateral deal with Ethiopia effectively bypasses Mogadishu entirely. The move risks not only a diplomatic firestorm but also further destabilizing a region already fraught with complex security challenges.

Why Ethiopia-Somalia sea access talks collapsed?

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Why Ethiopia-Somalia sea access talks collapsed?

ANKARA, Turkey – A year-long diplomatic initiative by Turkey to resolve a volatile dispute between Ethiopia and Somalia over sea access has collapsed, diplomats have confirmed, raising fears of renewed instability in the strategically vital Horn of Africa.

The talks stalled after Ethiopia rejected Somalia’s proposals for port access, demanding sovereign control over a stretch of coastline for a naval base—a condition Mogadishu deemed a violation of its territorial integrity.

Discussions have been suspended indefinitely, with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed reportedly resuming discreet negotiations with the breakaway region of Somaliland over a contentious coastal lease agreement. The quiet collapse of the “Ankara process” was acknowledged on the sidelines of the Global Transport Connectivity Forum, held in Istanbul from June 27 to 29.

According to officials familiar with the talks, who spoke on condition of anonymity, no formal meetings between the two sides have occurred since technical discussions broke down in April.

Sovereignty vs. Survival

The Turkish-led mediation, which began with high hopes last year, aimed to find a diplomatic solution to Ethiopia’s decades-long quest for reliable sea access. Landlocked since Eritrea’s independence in 1993, Ethiopia views a maritime outlet as an existential economic and security priority.

During the negotiations, the Somali government, led by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, put forward a proposal for Ethiopia to co-manage and commercially utilize one of four major ports: Mogadishu, Hobyo, Merka, or Barawe.

However, Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister, Gedion Timothewos, formally rejected these proposals in February. Prime Minister Abiy’s administration has been clear in its ultimate goal: sovereign access to the sea to establish an Ethiopian naval base. For Somalia, which has endured decades of civil war and is fighting to re-establish central authority, ceding sovereignty over any part of its territory was an unacceptable red line.

With the Turkish-led talks failing to yield a breakthrough, Addis Ababa has reportedly reverted to its controversial backup plan. Prime Minister Abiy’s government is said to have resumed quiet discussions with the administration in Somaliland, a region that declared independence from Somalia in 1991 but is not internationally recognized.

In January 2024, Ethiopia and Somaliland signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that sent shockwaves through the region. The agreement proposed leasing a 20-kilometer (12-mile) strip of coastline to Ethiopia for 50 years in exchange for a stake in Ethiopian Airlines and, crucially, potential diplomatic recognition of Somaliland’s statehood.

Somalia immediately denounced the MoU as an “act of aggression” and a blatant violation of its sovereignty, severing diplomatic ties with Ethiopia and successfully rallying diplomatic support from the Arab League and other international partners. The deal, which has yet to be finalized, remains a primary source of tension.

Turkey’s diplomatic setback

The suspension of the talks marks a significant setback for Turkey, which has heavily invested in becoming a key diplomatic player and security partner in the Horn of Africa. Under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Ankara has cultivated strong relationships with both Mogadishu and Addis Ababa.

Turkey operates its most extensive overseas military base in Mogadishu, where it trains the Somali national army. Simultaneously, it has become a key economic and defense partner for Ethiopia, notably supplying military drones.

Ankara hoped to leverage these ties to broker a landmark agreement that would secure its influence in the region, which sits astride critical global shipping routes in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. The failure to reconcile the two sides’ fundamentally opposed positions underscores the deep-seated complexities of the dispute.

The communication breakdown now leaves a diplomatic vacuum. The historical animosity between Somalia and Ethiopia, which fought wars over the Ogaden region in the 20th century, provides a tense backdrop to the current standoff.

Regional analysts express concern that without a viable mediation track, the risk of miscalculation and conflict could increase, further destabilizing a region already grappling with political transitions, climate shocks, and extremist threats.

Cabdiraxmaan Cirro oo u baxaya Addis Ababa iyo Abiy oo damacsan qorshe waali ah

Guuleed Muuse
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Cabdiraxmaan Cirro oo u baxaya Addis Ababa iyo Abiy oo damacsan qorshe waali ah

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynaha Somaliland, Cabdiraxmaan Maxamed Cabdillaahi (Cirro) ayaa dhawaan safar ku tegi doona magaalada Addis Ababa ee caasimadda dalka Itoobiya.

Madaxweyne Cirro ayaa halkaasi kula kulmi doona Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya, Abiy Axmed, iyaga oo ka wada-hadli doona xiriirka labada dhinac iyo heshiisyada suurtagalka ah ee ay gaari karaan xilligan.

Socdaalkan Cirro ee la filayo inuu ku tago Addis Ababa ayaa lagu eegi doonaa waxa laga yeelayo is-fahankii sannadkii hore dhex-maray Hargeysa iyo Addis Ababa, sida uu xaqiijiyay Wasiirka Madaxtooyada Somaliland.

Wasiir Khadar Xuseen Cabdi oo wareysi gaar ah bixiyay ayaa sheegay in is-fahankii hore ay gaareen Somaliland iyo Itoobiya dib loo eegi doono, isagoo ka gaabsaday in Cirro uu Addis Ababa u tegayo si uu u saxiixo heshiiska rasmiga ah.

Tan ayaa imaneysa xilli uu burbur ku yimid heshiiskii Ankara ee u dhexeeyay madaxda Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya, kaas oo xal ku meel gaar ah looga gaaray xiisaddii ka dhalatay heshiiska Somaliland. Wada-hadalladii la qorsheeyay inay sii socdaan ayaan qabsoomin, iyadoo la rumeysan yahay in labada dhinac aad u kala fogaadeen.

Wada-hadalladu waxay hakadeen kadib markii ay Itoobiya diidday soo jeedintii Soomaaliya ee ku saabsanayd isticmaalka dekedaha, iyadoo dalbatay in si madax-bannaan loogu wareejiyo qeyb ka mid ah dhulka xeebta ah si ay uga dhisto saldhig ciidan badeed, taas oo Muqdisho ay u aragtay xadgudub ka dhan ah madax-banaanideeda dhuleed.

Waxaa la soo sheegayaa in Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya, Abiy Ahmed, uu dib u bilaabay wada xaajoodyo qarsoodi ah oo uu la leeyahay maamulka gooni-goosadka ah ee Somaliland, kuwaas oo ku saabsan heshiis kireysi dhul-badeed oo muran badan dhaliyay. Burburka aan la shaacin ee “geeddi-socodkii Ankara” ayaa si hoose loo qiray intii uu socday Madasha Isku-xirka Gaadiidka Adduunka (Global Transport Connectivity Forum), oo lagu qabtay magaalada Istanbul intii u dhaxaysay 27-ka ilaa 29-ka Juun.

Itoobiya weli waxay ku adkeysaneysaa fulinta heshiiska ay la gashay Somaliland, halka Soomaaliya ay waddo olole diblomaasiyadeed oo xooggan oo ka dhan ah waxa ay u aragto jebinta midnimadeeda qarameed.

Sida ay sheegeen saraakiil xog-ogaal u ah wada-hadallada oo codsaday inaan magacooda la sheegin, ma jirin wax kulamo rasmi ah oo dhexmaray labada dhinac tan iyo markii ay wada-hadalladii farsamo burbureen bishii Abriil.

Arrimahan ayaa kusoo beegmaya xilli ay Soomaaliya iyo Masar dhawaan dib u cusbooneysiiyeen xiriirkooda, iyadoo labada dal ay ka mideysan yihiin diidmada in Itoobiya ay gaarto Badda Cas, taasoo laga yaabo inay mar kale mugdi geliso xiriirka u dhexeeya Addis Ababa iyo Muqdisho.

DF Soomaaliya oo bilowday qorshe la xiriira Muqdisho oo sanado badan la sugayey

Guuleed Muuse
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DF Soomaaliya oo bilowday qorshe la xiriira Muqdisho oo sanado badan la sugayey

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa bilowday qorshe lagu doonayo in dib loo furo waddooyinka xiran ee magaalada Muqdisho.

Wasiirka Amniga Gudaha, Cabdullaahi Sheekh Ismaaciil Fartaag ayaa kulan la yeeshay guddiga u xil-saaran ka shaqeynta xal u helidda saxmadda ka jirta waddooyinka caasimadda. Guddigaan, oo ay ka mid yihiin hay’adaha amniga, maamulka gobolka Banaadir iyo dowladda federaalka, ayaa wasiirka la wadaagay warbixinno la xiriira xaaladda waddooyinka iyo saameynta ay ku yeesheen bulshada.

Kulanka ayaa diiradda lagu saaray sidii qiimeyn dhab ah loogu sameyn lahaa waddooyinka xiran, loogana shaqeyn lahaa qorshe rasmi ah oo lagu furayo.

Wasiir Fartaag ayaa guddiga faray inay sida ugu dhaqsaha badan u guda galaan howlaha loo igmaday, iyagoo la kaashanaya hay’adaha ay khusayso, sida kuwa amniga, maamulka degmooyinka iyo laamaha gaadiidka.

Qorshahan ayaa kusoo beegmaya iyadoo muddo sannado ah ay xirnaayeen qaar kamid ah waddooyinka muhiimka ah ee magaalada, kuwaas oo markii loo xiray arrimo la xiriira sugidda amniga guud ee caasimadda.

Inkastoo uu jiro horumar ballaaran oo xagga amniga ah, ayaa waxaa dhinaca kale magaalada Muqdisho ka taagan cariiri xagga isku socodka ah. Sababaha cariiriga keenay waa qeyb ka ah waddooyinka oo xiran.

Xilliyada ay roobka da’aan ayaa sidoo si weyn loo dareema baahida waddooyinka caasimada. Magaalo ay afar milyan oo qof ku nooshahay oo haddana 40% xiran waa culeys aan indhaha laga qarsan karin. Dadweynaha waxay waayihii tegay ku cel-celinayeen in maadaama ammaankii soo hagaagay in waddooyinka xiran xal loo helo.

Masar oo ka gaabsatay arrin la filayay in ay madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh kala hadasho

Abdullahi Osman Farah
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Masar oo ka gaabsatay arrin la filayay in ay madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh kala hadasho

Qaahira (Caasimada Online) – Masaarida ayaa ka gaabsatay inay Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud kala hadlaan arrinta biyo-xireenka ee Itoobiya ka sameysay wabiga Nile.

Kulankii labada madaxweyne ee Xasan Sheekh iyo Cabdulfataax Al-Sisi kuma xusneyn daah-furka ay Itoobiya qorsheynayso inay u sameyso dhawaan shaqada biyo-xireenka oo soo dhamaatay, kaas oo ay Masaarida si weyn u diidan tahay, sida aan kasoo xiganay xubno ka mid ah Villa Somalia.

Taas beddelkeeda Masar waxay weli qabtaa walaac ku saabsan sida ay gobolka u saameyn karto go’aanka ay weli ku taagan tahay Itoobiya ee ay rabto inay ku gaarto biyaha Badda Cas.

Xiisadda u dhaxeysa labada waddan ee Itoobiya iyo Eritrea ayaa sii kordheysa maalmahan, iyadoo Asmara ay Jabhadda TPLF u ogolaatay inay dekeddeeda hub kala soo dagto, waxaana qarka loo saaran yahay dagaal cusub oo ka qarxa gobolka Tigray ee waddanka Itoobiya, kaas oo aan markaan ku eekaan doonin gudaha Itoobiya, balse sidoo kale toos ugu fidi kara gudaha Eritrea.

Masaaridu waxay aaminsan yihiin in gacan ka hadal dhexmara Addis Ababa iyo Asmara inuu sii dhaawici doono horumarka gobolka, dhinaca kalena uu abuuri doono xasillooni darro xoog leh oo dhinacyo badan saameysa.

Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya, Abiy Axmed wuxuu horraantii bishan sheegay inuu rabo inay deriskiisu kasoo jawaaban baahida deg-degta ah ee Itoobiya u qabto inay deked rasmi ah hesho, isagoo soo hadal qaaday dalalka Soomaaliya, Suudaan iyo Eritrea.

Safarkii Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh ee magaalada Qaahira wuxuu sidoo kale muujiyay inuu weli xoogan yahay cilaaqaadka Qaahira iyo Muqdisho, iyadoo Masaaridu markale ku celiyeen inay bixiyaan kaalmo kasta oo milatari si ay Soomaaliya uga adkaato argagixisada.

Xasan Sheekh iyo Cabdulfataax Al-Sisi ayaa sidoo kale hoosta ka xariiqay in dib loo furo safaaradii ay Masar ku laheyd magaalada Muqdisho, iyadoo dhul cusub laga siiyay magaalada.

Middii ugu muhiimsaneyd ee ay dad badan filayeen in safarkaan looga hadli doono, balse aan dhicin waa inay Masaaridu ka codsato Xasan Sheekh inuu kala safan Itoobiya, balse taas la iskuma soo hadal qaadin.

Xiriirka ka dhaxeeya Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya, wallow ay xaaladdu isbeddeli karto marwalba oo uu Abiy Axmed tallaabo usoo qaado dhinaca biyaha Soomaaliya.

Sawirro: Xogta kulan cusub oo dhex-maray dowladaha Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya

Jamaal Maxamed
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Sawirro: Xogta kulan cusub oo dhex-maray dowladaha Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya

Addis Ababa (Caasimada Online) – Dowladaha Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya ayaa kulan cusub ku yeeshay Addis Ababa, kaas oo dhexmaray Wasiirka Shaqada iyo Arrimaha Bulshada ee Xukuumadda Federaalka, Mudane Xildhibaan Yuusuf Maxamed Aadan iyo Wasiirka Shaqada iyo Xirfadaha ee waddanka Itoobiya, Marwo Muferihat Kamil Axmed.

Labada Wasiir ayaa kulankooda diirada ku saaray xoojinta iskaashiga labada dal, gaar ahaan arrimaha shaqo-abuurka, horumarinta xirfadaha iyo tayeynta suuqa shaqada ee Geeska Afrika.

Sidoo kale waxa ay ku ballameen in la xoojiyo wada shaqeynta dhexdooda ah, si looga faa’iideysto fursadaha ka jira gobolka, la’iskuna dhaafsado fikrado wax ku ool ah.

Dhinaca kale Wasiir Yuusuf ayaa kulan gaar ah la yeeshay Madaxa African Electronic Trade Group (AeTrade), Mudane Mulualem Syoum oo ay ka wada-hadleen arrimaha gobolka.

Labada mas’uul ayaan kulankan ku gorfeeyay sidii loo xoojin lahaa wada-shaqeynta labada dhinac, gaar ahaan barnaamijyada shaqo-abuurka iyo xirfad-siinta dhalinyarada Soomaaliyeed si loo horumariyo mustaqbalkooda.

Waxaa kale oo ay ku heshiiyeen in la dhiso guddi farsamo oo ka kooban labada dhinac, kaas oo ka shaqeyn doona hirgelinta wada-shaqeynta.

Kulamadan ayaa qayb ka ah dadaallada uu wado Wasiirka Shaqada iyo Arrimaha Bulshada ee Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya, Mudane Xildhibaan Yuusuf Maxamed Aadan oo maalmihii u dambeeyay u baxayay safaro dibada ah oo ku aadan horumarinta wasaaradda.

Soomaaliya ayaa haatan sameyneysa isbeddallo waaway, iyada oo wacdaro ka dhigeysa fagaareyaasha caalamka iyo gobolka, marka loo eego diblumaasiyadda cusub ee ay lasoo baxday.

Caqabad soo wajahday shirkii SSC-Khaatumo iyo dowladda Soomaaliya oo…

Jamaal Maxamed
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Caqabad soo wajahday shirkii SSC-Khaatumo iyo dowladda Soomaaliya oo…

Laascaanood (Caasimada Onine) – Wararka naga soo gaaraya magaalada Laascaanood ayaa sheegaya in halkaasi ay ka taagan tahay caqabad xooggan oo soo wajahday shirka dhammeystirka Dawlad-goboleedka SSC-Khaatumo oo lagu wado in galabta uu furmo.

Shirkan oo qay qaban-qaabadiisu leedahay Dawladda Fedeaalka ayaa waxaa diidmo kala horyimid musharixinta u taagan xilka Madaxweynaha SSC-Khaatumo, kuwaas oo ka biyo diidsan hannaanka ay dawladda dhexe u wajahday geeddi-socodka dhismaha maamulka.

Wararka ayaa sheegaya in haatan hakad uu galay shirka, waxaana haatan taagan buuq iyo dood ay keeneen siyaasiyiinta mucaaradka oo ay horkacayaan musharrixiinta, kuwaas oo haatan dhaq-dhaqaaq ka wada gudaha magaalada Laascaanood ee xarunta gobolka Sool.

Sidoo kale wararka ayaa intaasi kusii daraya in haatan ay socdaan waan-waan laga dhex-bilaabay labada dhinac, waxaana ku howlan waxgaradka deegaanka, si xal loo helo.

Dhinaca kale, Dawladda Federaalka ah ee Soomaaliya oo muhiimad gaar ah siineyso dhameystirka SSC-Khaatumo ayaa maanta wafdi culus u dirtay Laascaanood, kaas oo ka dagay magaaladaasi, waxaana hoggaaminaya wasiirka arrimaha gudaha XFS Cali Xoosh.

Ujeedka wafdiga dawladda oo ay qayb ka yihiin xildhibaanno ayaa ah inay dardargeliyaan howsha socoto iyo sidii loo qaban lahaa shirka lagu dhameystirayo Dawlad-goboleedka SSC-Khaatumo.

Mas’uuliyiintan ayaa sidoo kale isla maanta kulan gaar ah la qaatay Hoggaamiyaha Maamulka kumeel gaarka ah ee SSC-Khaatumo Mudane Cabdulqaadir Axmed Aw Cali (Firdhiye) oo ay kala hadleen qabsoomida shirka iyo xaaladda haatan ka taagan halkaasi.

Waxaa kale oo iyaguna laga dhur sugayaa isimmada SSC-khaatumo oo aan weli ka hadlin xaaladda soo kororay buuqa ka taagan Laascaanood ee ku aadan dhameysirtka maamulka.

Si kastaba, SSC-Khaatumo oo hadda u furmay dhabo cusub ayaa isku diyaarineyso maamul dhameystiran iyada oo Dalwadda Federaalka u magacowday guddi farsamo oo howshaas guda-gala kaas oo gaaray Laascaanood oo lagu wado inuu ka furmo shirka aayo ka tashiga.

Xog: Qodobka xasaasiga ee burburiyey wada-hadalladii Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Xog: Qodobka xasaasiga ee burburiyey wada-hadalladii Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya

Ankara (Caasimada Online) – Faah-faahin dheeraad ah ayaa ka soo baxaysa sababta burburisay dadaal diblomaasiyadeed oo muddo sannad ah uu hormuud ka ahaa dalka Turkiga, kaas oo lagu doonayay in lagu xalliyo muran xasaasi ah oo u dhexeeya Itoobiya iyo Soomaaliya oo ku saabsan helitaanka badda, sida ay xaqiijiyeen diblomaasiyiin.

Wadahadalladu waxay hakadeen kadib markii ay Itoobiya diidday soo jeedintii Soomaaliya ee ku saabsanayd isticmaalka dekedaha, iyadoo dalbatay in si madax-bannaan loogu wareejiyo qeyb ka mid ah dhulka xeebta ah si ay uga dhisto saldhig ciidan badeed—tallaabadaas oo Muqdisho ay u aragtay xadgudub ka dhan ah madax-banaanideeda dhuleed.

Wadahadalladii waa la hakiyay gebi ahaanba, waxaana la soo sheegayaa in Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya, Abiy Ahmed, uu dib u bilaabay wada xaajoodyo qarsoodi ah oo uu la leeyahay maamulka gooni-goosadka ah ee Somaliland, kuwaas oo ku saabsan heshiis kireysi dhul-badeed oo muran badan dhaliyay. Burburka aan la shaacin ee “geeddi-socodkii Ankara” ayaa si hoose loo qiray intii uu socday Madasha Isku-xirka Gaadiidka Adduunka (Global Transport Connectivity Forum), oo lagu qabtay magaalada Istanbul intii u dhaxaysay 27-ka ilaa 29-ka Juun.

Sida ay sheegeen saraakiil xog-ogaal u ah wadahadallada oo codsaday inaan magacooda la sheegin, ma jirin wax kulamo rasmi ah oo dhexmaray labada dhinac tan iyo markii ay wadahadalladii farsamo burbureen bishii Abriil.

Madax-bannaanida iyo badbaadada qaran

Dhex-dhexaadintan uu Turkigu hoggaaminayay, oo ku bilaabatay rajo weyn sannadkii hore, waxay higsanaysay in xal diblomaasiyadeed loo helo dedaalkii muddo tobannaan sano ah ay Itoobiya ugu jirtay helitaanka marin badeed oo lagu kalsoonaan karo. Itoobiya, oo ah waddan aan bad lahayn tan iyo xorriyaddii Eritrea sannadkii 1993-kii, waxay u aragtaa helitaanka marin badeed arrin lama huraan u ah jiritaankeeda dhaqaale iyo amni.

Intii ay socdeen wada-xaajoodyada, dawladda Soomaaliya oo uu hoggaamiyo Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, ayaa soo bandhigtay soo jeedin ah in Itoobiya ay si wadajir ah u maamusho isla markaana uga faa’iidaysato ganacsi ahaan mid ka mid ah afarta dekedood ee waaweyn: Muqdisho, Hobyo, Marka, ama Baraawe.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda ee Itoobiya, Gedion Timothewos, ayaa si rasmi ah u diiday soo jeedimahaas bishii Febraayo. Maamulka Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy wuxuu si cad u muujiyay hadafkiisa ugu dambeeya: inuu helo marin badeed oo madax-bannaan si uu u dhiso saldhig ciidan badeed oo Itoobiya leedahay. Dhanka Soomaaliya, oo tobannaan sano la daalaa dhacaysay dagaallo sokeeye isla markaana u halgamaysa sidii ay u soo celin lahayd awoodda dawladda dhexe, in ay ka tanaasusho madax-bannaanida qayb ka mid ah dhulkeeda waxay ahayd xariiq cas oo aan laga gudbi karin.

Iyadoo wadahadalladii uu Turkigu hoggaaminayay ay ku guuldarraysteen inay midho dhalaan, Addis Ababa ayaa lagu soo warramayaa inay ku laabatay qorshaheedii kale ee muranka dhaliyay. Dawladda Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy ayaa la sheegay inay dib u bilowday wadahadallo aan shaacsanayn oo ay la leedahay maamulka Somaliland, oo ah gobol ku dhawaaqay inuu ka go’ay Soomaaliya sannadkii 1991-kii balse aan helin aqoonsi caalami ah.

Bishii Janaayo 2024, Itoobiya iyo Somaliland waxay kala saxiixdeen Heshiis Is-afgarad (MoU) kaas oo gilgilay gobolka. Heshiiskan wuxuu dhigayay in dhul-badeed dhererkiisu yahay 20 kiilomitir (12 mayl) laga kireeyo Itoobiya muddo 50 sano ah, taasoo ay ku beddelanayso saami ay ku yeelato shirkadda Ethiopian Airlines iyo, tan ugu muhiimsan, suurtagalnimada aqoonsi diblomaasiyadeed oo la siiyo dawladnimada Somaliland.

Soomaaliya waxay si degdeg ah heshiiskaas ugu cambaaraysay “fal gardarro ah” iyo xadgudub bareer ah oo ka dhan ah madax-bannaanideeda, iyadoo xiriirkii diblomaasiyadeed u jartay Itoobiya, waxayna ku guulaysatay inay taageero diblomaasiyadeed ka hesho Ururka Jaamacadda Carabta (Arab League) iyo saaxiibbada kale ee caalamka. Heshiiskaas, oo aan weli la dhameystirin, ayaa weli ah isha ugu weyn ee xiisadda hadda jirta.

Dhabarjabka diblomaasiyadeed ee Turkiga

Hakinta wadahadallada waxay dhabarjab weyn ku tahay Turkiga, oo maalgashi badan ku bixiyay sidii uu u noqon lahaa ciyaaryahan diblomaasiyadeed oo muhiim ah iyo saaxiib amni oo Geeska Afrika ku leh. Xilligii Madaxweyne Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Ankara waxay xiriir adag la yeelatay Muqdisho iyo Addis Ababa labadaba.

Turkigu wuxuu saldhiggiisa militari ee ugu weyn ee dibadda ku leeyahay magaalada Muqdisho, halkaas oo uu ku tababaro ciidanka qalabka sida ee Soomaaliya. Isla mar ahaantaana, wuxuu noqday saaxiib dhaqaale iyo mid difaac oo muhiim u ah Itoobiya, isagoo si gaar ah uga iibiyay diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn ee militariga.

Ankara waxay rajaynaysay inay ka faa’iidaysato xiriirradan si ay u fududayso heshiis taariikhi ah oo xaqiijin lahaa saamaynteeda gobolka, kaas oo ku yaal marinnada maraakiibta caalamiga ah ee muhiimka ah ee Badda Cas iyo Gacanka Cadmeed. Guuldarrada laga gaaray in la isku soo dhoweeyo labada dhinac ee mowqifyadoodu sida weyn u kala fog yihiin ayaa hoosta ka xariiqaysa sida uu u qotodheer yahay muruganka khilaafkani.

Xiriirka oo istaagtay ayaa hadda abuuraya firaaq diblomaasiyadeed. Collaaddii taariikhiga ahayd ee u dhaxaysay Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya, oo dagaallo ku dhexmareen gobolka Ogaadeen qarnigii 20-aad, ayaa xaaladda hadda taagan sii murginaysa.

Falanqeeyayaasha gobolka ayaa walaac ka muujinaya in haddii aan la helin waddo dhexdhexaadin oo shaqaynaysa, ay kordhi karto halista is-faham-waa iyo isku dhac, taasoo sii wiiqi karta xasiloonida gobol horeyba ula tacaalayay isbeddello siyaasadeed, dhibaatooyin cimilada la xiriira, iyo khataraha kooxaha xagjirka ah.

Golaha Wasiirada oo maanta ansixiyay xubnaha guddiga…

Guuleed Muuse
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Golaha Wasiirada oo maanta ansixiyay xubnaha guddiga…

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Golaha Wasiirrada Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya oo maanta yeeshay kulankoodii caadiga ahaa ayaa ansixiyey xubnaha Guddiga Tacliinta Sare ee Qaranka.

Guddigan oo goluhu sheegay in lagu soo xulay si hufnaan iyo caddaalad ah ayaa waxaa soo gudbisay Wasaaradda Waxbarashada, Hiddaha iyo Tacliinta Sare.

Guddigan ayaa ka kooban 15-xubnood oo ah aqoonyahanno leh karti, khibrad iyo waayo aragnimo la xiriirta arrimaha waxbarashada iyo maamulka, kuwaas oo ka shaqeyn doona horumarinta hey’adaha tacliinta sare ee dalka, waxaana ay kala yihiin:

1.⁠ ⁠Dr Cabdinuur Sheekh Maxamuud – Guddoomiyaha Guddiga
2.⁠ ⁠Dr. Maxamed Cali Faarax Guddoomiye – Ku-xigeenka Guddiga
3.⁠ ⁠Dr. Ayaan Sh. Cabdullaahi Maxamed – Xubin
4.⁠ ⁠Dr. Axmed Adam Maxamed –Xubin
5. Dr. Roble Ibrahim Liban – Xubin
6.⁠ ⁠Dr. Cabdulqaadir Cabdulle Cibaar – Xubin
7.⁠ ⁠Dr. Cabdishakuur Sh. Xasan (Fiqi) – Xubin
8. Dr. Cabdullaahi Maxamuud Shariif – Xubin
9.⁠ ⁠Dr. Cabdiwahab Ali Mumin – Xubin
10. Dr. Cismaan Maxamed Cabdiraxman – Xubin
11.⁠ ⁠Dr. Faysal Cabdiraxmaan Cabdullaahi – Xubin
12.⁠ ⁠Dr. Maxamed Macallin Abdullahi Kutub – Xubin
13.⁠ ⁠Dr. Maxamad Ibraahim Nuur – Xubin
14.⁠ ⁠Dr. Maxaamuud Yusuf Garre – Xubin
15.⁠ ⁠Dr. Nadiifa Sheekh Cumar – Xubin

Dhinaca kale, shirka golaha ayaa looga hadlay dib-u-eegista qaab dhismeedka hey’adaha dowladda iyo sida loo waafajinayo shuruudaha xeerka kala xadeynta.

Kulanka oo uu guddoominayey Ra’iisul Wasaare Xamza Cabdi Barre, ayaa waxaa lagu soo bandhigay warbixinno la xiriira amniga iyo howl-gallada dib-u-xoreynta ee ka socda qeybo kamid ah dalka, iyada oo lagu bogaadiyey ciidamada qalabka sida iyo kuwa deegaanka halganka naf-hurnimada leh.

Sidoo kale, Wasaaradda Awqaafta iyo Arrimaha Islaamka Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya aya lagu bogaadiyey horumarinta iyo tayeynta ay ku sameysay adeegga Xajka, taas oo keentay in Soomaaliya ay kaalmaha hore ka gasho dalalka sida ugu wanaagsan ugu adeegay Xujeydooda.

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Caasimada Online is a reputable and reliable source of news and information on Somalia. As the largest Somali news site, we are dedicated to providing our readers with accurate and up-to-date coverage of the country's politics, society, and culture. Founded in 2009 by a Somali-American journalist, Caasimada Online is owned by Caasimada Media Group and headquartered in Mogadishu. In addition to keeping our readers informed, we strive to promote democracy in Somalia. If you have any questions or comments, please don't hesitate to contact us at [email protected]

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