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Sunday, May 10, 2026

DF oo ka laabatay shuruud saameyn xooggan ku yeelan lahayd helidda baasaboorka

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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DF oo ka laabatay shuruud saameyn xooggan ku yeelan lahayd helidda baasaboorka

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Hay’adda Socdaalka iyo Jinsiyadaha Soomaaliya ayaa sheegtay in dalka aan weli laga bilaabin isticmaalka kaarka aqoonsiga cusub ee dalka si loogu qaato baasaboorka, taasoo ay sabab u tahay caqabado farsamo iyo isku-dubbarid la’aanta hay’adaha oo aan weli la xallin.

In kasta oo ay dowladdu daah-furtay nidaamkeeda aqoonsiga dhijitaalka ah sannadkii 2022, kaasoo loo marayo Hay’adda Diiwaangelinta iyo Aqoonsiga Qaranka (NIRA), haddana muwaadiniinta Soomaaliyeed waxaa weli laga rabaa inay soo gudbiyaan dokumeentiyo hore, sida shahaadada dhalashada, diiwaanka jinsiyadda, iyo warqadda dembi la’aanta ee ka soo baxda Hay’adda Dambi Baarista (CID), si ay u helaan baasaboor.

Agaasimaha Guud ee Hay’adda Socdaalka iyo Jinsiyadaha, Mustafe Dhuxulow, ayaa sheegay in sababta ugu weyn ee dib-u-dhaca keentay ay tahay iyadoo aan jirin hannaan mideysan oo is-dhaafsiga xogta ah oo u dhexeeya hay’adaha bixiya aqoonsiyada.

“Waqtigan xaadirka ah ma jiro isku-xir rasmi ah oo ka dhexeeya nidaamyadeena iyo kan NIRA,” ayuu yiri Dhuxulow. “Inta aanan ku tiirsanaanin oo kaliya aqoonsiga qaranka, waa inaan is-waafajinno xogtii hore iyo diiwaannada cusub, aanna dhisnaa nidaam sugan oo wada-shaqeyn kara si looga hortago in macluumaadka la laba-laabo loona xaqiijiyo sax ahaanshahooda.”

Dhuxulow wuxuu intaa ku daray in ay socdaan dadaallo la isugu xirayo keydka xogta ee NIRA iyo kan Hay’adda Socdaalka si loo suurtageliyo in baasaboorrada si toos ah loogu bixiyo iyadoo la isticmaalayo aqoonsiga qaranka. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, ma jiro jadwal rasmi ah oo la shaaciyay oo ku aaddan xilliga la soo gabagabeynayo isku-xirkan.

Hay’adda NIRA, oo lagu aasaasay sharci federaali ah sannadkii 2023, ayaa loo xilsaaray inay kormeerto nidaamyada diiwaangelinta madaniga ah iyo aqoonsiga qaranka ee Soomaaliya. In kasta oo la daah-furay baraha diiwaangelinta casriga ah sida e-Aqoonsi iyo Hubiye, mas’uuliyiintu waxay qireen in horumarka ay carqaladeeyeen kaabayaasha oo liita, gaar ahaan gobollada ay ku yar tahay helitaanka adeegyada dhijitaalka ah. Laga soo bilaabo Juun 2025, kaliya qeyb yar oo ka mid ah dadweynaha Soomaaliya ayaa iska diiwaangelisay nidaamka, sida ay sheegeen saraakiil ka tirsan NIRA oo uu soo xigtay wargeyska Biometric Update.

Dhanka kale, dowladda federaalka ah ayaa bilowday inay shardi uga dhigto helitaanka adeegyada muhiimka ah ee dowladda in la qaato kaarka aqoonsiga qaranka. Bishii Juun 2025, Wasaaradda Gaadiidka ayaa ku dhawaaqday in aqoonsiga laga rabo qofkii doonaya shatiga darawalnimada iyo diiwaangelinta gaadiidka. Waxaa la filayaa in adeegyo kale — oo ay ku jiraan waxbarashada, caafimaadka, dokumeentiyada sharciga ah, iyo safarrada gudaha ama dibadda — ay ku xigi doonaan.

Wasaaradda Arrimaha Gudaha, Federaalka iyo Dib-u-heshiisiinta ayaa sheegtay in go’aankani uu qayb ka yahay dadaal qaran oo lagu doonayo in lagu casriyeeyo maamulka guud, lagu tayeyo adeegyada bulshada, laguna xoojiyo amniga iyadoo la xaqiijinayo in Soomaali kasta si sax ah loo aqoonsado loona diiwaangeliyo.

Puntland iyo qaar ka mid ah dowlad-goboleedyada kale ayaa ka horyimid barnaamijkan ay waddo dowladda dhexe, iyagoo ku eedeeyay Muqdisho inay awoodda isku koobayso iyadoo adeegsanaysa kaabayaasha aqoonsiga. War-saxaafadeedyo ay soo saareen, mas’uuliyiinta Puntland waxay ku doodeen in NIRA ay ka tallaabsanayso hay’adaha heer gobol ayna wiiqayso nidaamka federaalka.

Loollankan siyaasadeed ee jira, dowladda federaalku waxay ku adkaysanaysaa in barnaamijka aqoonsigu yahay mid aan siyaasad ku dhisnayn oo looga gol leeyahay in lagu casriyeeyo hab-maamulka dalka.

Bishii Janaayo 2025, Agaasimaha Guud ee NIRA, Cabdiwali Cabdulle, ayaa beeniyay eedeymaha sheegaya in nidaamka aqoonsigu uu xiriir la leeyahay doorashooyinka soo socda, isagoo sheegay in ujeeddadiisu tahay in la xaqiijiyo in si siman loo helo adeegyada dowladda.

Sida Soomaaliya ay isugu diyaarinayso doorashooyinka 2026, waxaa la filayaa in nidaamka aqoonsiga qaranku uu door weyn ka ciyaaro diiwaangelinta cod-bixiyayaasha iyo daah-furnaanta doorashada.

Maxaa xiga dhabar-jebinta Imaaraadku ku sameeyey Soomaaliya iyo Turkey?

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Maxaa xiga dhabar-jebinta Imaaraadku ku sameeyey Soomaaliya iyo Turkey?

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Geeska Afrika oo xaaladdiisu kacsan tahay ayaa hadda noqday masraxa loolan siyaasadeed oo aad u adag, iyadoo warbixin cusub ay sheegayso in Imaaraadka Carabta uu si ulakac ah u maleegayo heshiis ay Itoobiya saldhig milateri kaga kiraysato Somaliland.

Arrintani ma aha oo kaliya muran goboleed ku saabsan deked, balse waa u adeegsiga dhul qaran oo madaxbannaan hub ahaan, taasoo qayb ka ah dagaal hoose oo ku salaysan awood-sheegasho oo u dhexeeya Imaaraadka Carabta iyo Turkey. Tallaabadan ayaa halis ugu jirta inay burburiso nabad jilicsan oo ka jirtay gobolka, carqaladayso dublamaasiyadda, ayna ku riixdo guud ahaan gobolka iska hor-imaad dhinacyo badan leh.

Macnaha guud: Colaad la dhoofiyay

Asal ahaan, xiisaddani waxay ka tarjumaysaa in loolanka ba’an ee u dhexeeya Imaaraadka iyo Turkey oo loo raray mid ka mid ah gobollada adduunka ugu nugul. Soomaaliya ayaa noqotay goobta lagu hardamayo, halka arrimaha asaasiga ah ee ah in Itoobiya ay hesho marin-badeed iyo dadaalka Somaliland ee aqoonsi-raadinta ay noqdeen kuwa loo adeegsado dano ka ballaaran oo qayb ka ah loolan aad uga weyn.

Iskaashi ilaa dagaal wakaaladeed: Sannado badan, dawladaha Khaliijka iyo Turkey waxay ku tartamayeen saamaynta ay ku yeelanayaan Soomaaliya iyagoo adeegsanaya maalgashi, gargaar, iyo taageero dhinaca amniga ah. Tallaabadan la sheegay inuu Imaaraadku qaaday ayaa astaan u ah isbeddel weyn oo loolankii u rogay iska hor-imaad toos ah, iyadoo Itoobiya loo adeegsanayo wakiil lagu wiiqayo guulaha istiraatiijiyadeed ee Turkey.

Hubaynta madaxbannaanida: Istiraatiijiyadda Imaaraadka ayaa ah mid si gaar ah u dhib badan, sababtoo ah waxay ka faa’iidaysanaysaa hanti hore u jirtay—saldhig milateri oo ay ka dhistay Berbera—waxayna ka faa’iidaysanaysaa baahida istiraatiijiyadeed ee Itoobiya iyo himilooyinka siyaasadeed ee Somaliland. Markuu heshiiska u dhigay mid laba geesood ah oo dhex mara Itoobiya iyo Somaliland, Imaaraadku wuxuu u muuqan karaa inuu yahay hindisaha xiisadda, isagoo isla markaasna awood u leh inuu si macquul ah isaga fogeeyo eedda.

Dhammaadka dhex-dhexaadnimada: Tallaabadani waxay ku qasbaysaa awoodaha gobolka inay kala saftaan, taasoo meesha ka saaraysa rajo kasta oo dhex-dhexaadnimo ah. Waxay muran taariikhi ahaan u dhexeeyay Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya u beddeshay isbahaysiyo isku murugsan, taasoo ka dhigaysa in xal dublamaasiyadeed la helo mid aad u sii adkaada.

Dhinacyada ku lugta leh iyo danahooda

Fahamka xiisaddan waxay u baahan tahay in la lafo-guro ujeeddooyinka jilaa kasta oo muhiim ah, kuwaasoo mid walba uu raadinayo yool halistiisu sarreyso.

Imaaraadka Carabta (Hindisaha): Isagoo ka welwelsan heshiiskii difaaca ee Turkey iyo Soomaaliya ee 2024-kii, kaasoo siiyey Turkey oo ay xafiiltamaan gacan ku haynta xeebaha Soomaaliya, ayuu Imaaraadku qaaday tallaabo liddi ku ah. Markuu Itoobiya siiyey saldhig badeed, wuxuu isku mar xakameeyey awoodda Turkey, dib u soo celiyey saamayntiisa marinka muhiimka ah ee Badda Cas iyo Gacanka Cadmeed, wuxuuna ciqaabay Soomaaliya oo la safatay Ankara.

Itoobiya (Ka-faa’iidaha): Tan iyo markii ay Eritrea ka go’day, Itoobiya oo aan bad lahayn, helitaanka marin-badeed waa arrin nolol iyo geeri u ah Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Ahmed. Dalabka Imaaraadka ayaa siinaya fursad qaali ah oo uu ku xaqiijin karo riyadan soo jireenka ah, iyadoo ay la socoto xarun milateri oo diyaar ah, taasoo ah abaal-marin ay Itoobiya u muuqato inay diyaar u tahay inay khatar ugu gasho cambaarayn iyo colaad goboleed.

Somaliland (Suurta-geliyaha): Jamhuuriyaddan iskeed madaxbannaanida ugu dhawaaqday, tani waa heshiiska ugu muhiimsan. Kiraynta dekedda, Somaliland waxay ku beddelanaysaa hantideeda ugu qaalisan—goobta istiraatiijiga ah—si ay u hesho taageero dadban iyo aqoonsi mustaqbalka uga yimaada quwad goboleed sida Itoobiya. Waa khamaar ay ku doonayso inay kaga baxdo go’doonka siyaasadeed ee soo haystay tobannaan sano.

Turkey (Bartilmaameedka): Heshiiska difaaca ee 10-ka sano ah wuxuu ahaa guul istiraatiiji ah oo weyn oo usoo hoyatay Ankara, isagoo ka dhigay dammaanad-qaadaha amniga ee aasaasiga ah ee gobolka. Tallaabada Imaaraadka ayaa ah caqabad toos ah oo ka dhan ah maqaamkan cusub, taasoo looga gol leeyahay in ballan-qaadka badda ee Turkey laga dhigo mid aad u adag oo khatar badan.

Soomaaliya (Dhibbanaha): Muqdisho waxay dagaal kaga jirtaa laba jiho: difaacidda midnimadeeda dhuleed ee ay kala horjeeddo damaca Itoobiya, iyo sidoo kale la tacaalidda falalka la sheegay inay yihiin kharribaad uga imanaysa Imaaraadka, oo ah waddan ay mar u arki jirtay saaxiib muhiim ah. Heshiiskan waa halis jiritaan oo ku wajahan dawladda Soomaaliya.

Sida ay diblamaasiyaddu u fashilantay

Xiisaddani waxay daaha ka rogaysaa sida dhaqsaha leh ee ay dublamaasiyaddu u burburi karto marka quwad weyn ay u dhaqanto sidii fashiliye. Iskudaygii hore ee Turkey ee ahaa inuu dhex-dhexaadiyo xal nabadeed—mid siin lahaa Itoobiya marin ganacsi ee aan milateri ahayn—wuxuu ahaa xal macquul ah oo xiisadda looga bixi karay. Ankara waxay xitaa kaashatay Qatar si ay cadaadis u saarto Somaliland.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, geeddi-socodkan jilicsan waxaa burburiyey tallaabooyin is-daba-joog ah oo dhinacyadu ay isaga difaacayeen. Isagoo u arkayay qorshaha Berbera mid halis degdeg ah, Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, wuxuu si degdeg ah ugu safray Qaahira, isagoo heshiis difaac la galay Masar—oo ah waddanka ugu weyn ee ay xafiiltamaan Itoobiya.

In kasta oo looga dan lahaa cabsi-gelin, tallaabadani waxay ahayd middii soo afjartay wada-hadalladii. Addis Ababa waxay u fasiratay in Soomaaliya oo la safatay cadowgeeda ay tahay fal colaadeed, taasoo qiil uga dhigtay inay ka baxdo wada-hadalladii ayna u jiheysato in ay dhammaystirto heshiiska ay la gashay Somaliland.

Natiijadu waa isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo cusub oo khatar ah: Itoobiya, Somaliland, iyo Imaaraadka oo dhinac ah, oo ay ka soo horjeedaan isbahaysi ka kooban Soomaaliya, Turkey, iyo Masar oo dhinaca kale ah.

Tallaabooyinka lagu eedeeyay Imaaraadka Carabta waxay Geeska Afrika gaarsiiyeen meel qarka u saaran khatar weyn. Kani ma aha muran xakamaysan. Waa iska horimaad isku-dhafan oo cabashooyinka maxalliga ah loo adeegsanayo shidaal dagaal wakaaladeed oo ka weyn. Xasilloonida guud ahaan gobolka ayaa hadda halis ku jirta, iyadoo ay afduubteen himilooyinka istiraatiijiyadeed ee quwadaha is-haya.

Xisaabtan-darro ka timaada dhinac kasta waxay si fudud u hurin kartaa colaad ballaaran, taasoo cawaaqib xun ku yeelan karta gobol horeyba ugu dhibaataysnaa degenaansho la’aan, abaar, iyo rabshado. Kala qaybsanaanta cusub ee la abuurayo kuma xardhana khariidad, balse waxay u dhaxaysaa caasimadaha, waxayna Geeska Afrika si halis ah ugu riixayaan meel u dhow heerka burburka.

Maxkamad go’aamisay kiiska Khaalid Sheikh Mohamed – Maskaxda weeraradii 9/11

Caasimada Online
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Maxkamad go’aamisay kiiska Khaalid Sheikh Mohamed – Maskaxda weeraradii 9/11

Washington (Caasimada Online) – Maxkamad racfaan oo ku taalla Maraykanka ayaa Jimcihii diiday in ay aqbasho heshiisyo dacwadeed oo u saamaxayay Khaalid Sheikh Mohammed, oo loo haysto inuu ahaa maskaxdii ka dambaysay weeraradii September 11, 2001, iyo laba kale oo la eedaysan, in ay dembigooda qirtaan, taasoo beddelkeeda looga badbaadin lahaa ciqaabta dilka ah.

Go’aankan oo ay gaareen labo ka mid ah saddexdii garsoore ee fadhiday maxkamadda Racfaanka Maraykanka ee Washingtn (U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit), ayaa meesha ka saaray isku dayo lagu doonayay in lagu soo gabagabeeyo maxkamadayn militari oo muddo labaatan sano ah ku jirtay ismari-waa sharciyeed, taasoo loo haystay saddexda maxbuus ee ku xiran xabsiga Guantanamo Bay ee dalka Cuba.

Heshiisyadan qirashada dembiga ah ayaa la soo bandhigay sannadkii hore, waxaana aqbalay sarkaalkii mas’uulka ka ahaa maxkamadda dembiyada dagaalka ee Wasaaradda Difaaca (Pentagon) ee Guantanamo. Hase yeeshee, waxaa bishii Agoosto ee isla sannadkaas buriyay Wasiirkii Difaaca ee xilligaas, Lloyd Austin, ka dib markii qaar ka mid ah xildhibaannada xisbiga Jamhuuriga ay si weyn u dhaliileen heshiisyadaas.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, garsoore militari ayaa go’aamiyay in Austin uusan lahayn awood uu ku buriyo heshiisyadaas, go’aankaas oo bishii December ay taageertay Maxkamadda Dib-u-eegista Guddiyada Militariga ee Maraykanka. Kadibna, garsoorihii wuxuu si degdeg ah u qorsheeyay dhagaysiyo loo qaadi lahaa qirashada dembiga.

Maxkamadda Racfaanka ee D.C iyadoo ka jawaabaysa codsi ka yimid maamulkii Madaxweynihii hore ee Dimoqraadiga, Joe Biden, ayaa ogolaatay in la hakiyo dhagaysiyadaas inta ay ka dhagaysanayso dacwadda sharciga ah ee ay dowladdu ka gudbisay, taasoo uu sidoo kale sii waday maamulka madaxweynaha Jamhuuriga ee Donald Trump.

Garsoorayaasha maxkamadda Racfaanka, Patricia Millett iyo Neomi Rao, oo qorayay aragtida aqlabiyadda, ayaa go’aankoodii Jimcaha ku sheegay in Austin “uu si shaki la’aan ah u lahaa awood sharciyeed oo uu kaga baxo heshiisyadaas.”

“Markii uu si sax ah ula wareegay awooddii isku dubaridka, Xoghayuhu wuxuu go’aamiyay in ‘qoysaska [dhibbanayaasha] iyo shacabka Maraykanku ay mudan yihiin fursad ay ku arkaan maxkamadaha guddiyada militariga oo shaqadooda qabsanaya,'” ayay garsoorayaashu qoreen. “Xoghayuhu wuxuu ku dhaqmay awoodiisa sharciga ah, annaguna waxaan diidaynaa inaan su’aal gelino go’aankiisa.”

Millett waxaa magacawday Madaxweynihii hore ee Dimoqraadiga, Barack Obama, halka Rao ay uu magacaabay madaxweyne Trump. Garsooraha kale ee Maxkamadda Racfaanka, Robert Wilkins, oo isna uu magacaabay Obama, ayaa ka soo horjeestay go’aankan oo uu ku tilmaamay “mid lala yaabo,” isagoo sheegay in garsoorayaasha kale ay ahayd inay ixtiraamaan go’aannada maxkamadaha militariga ee fasiraya sharciyada militariga.

Qareen u doodaya Khaalid iyo mid ka mid ah eedaysanayaasha kale, Mustafa Ahmed Adam al Hawsawi, ayaan ka jawaabin codsiyo loo diray oo lagu weydiinayay inay ka hadlaan arrintan, sidoo kalena Wasaaradda Difaaca kama aysan jawaabin.

Matthew Engle, oo ah qareenka eedaysanaha saddexaad, Walid Muhammad Salih Mubarak bin ‘Atash, ayaa sheegay inuu ka fiirsanayo inuu racfaan kale ka qaato go’aankan, oo ay ku jirto inuu u gudbiyo Maxkamadda Sare ee Maraykanka.

Khaalid Sheikh Mohammed waa maxbuuska ugu caansan ee ku xiran xabsiga Guantanamo Bay, kaasoo uu sannadkii 2002 aasaasay Madaxweynihii xilligaas ee Maraykanka, George W. Bush, si loogu hayo dadka looga shakisan yahay inay ka tirsan yihiin maleeshiyooyinka ajnabiga ah ka dib weeraradii September 11, 2001.

Khaalid waxaa lagu eedeeyay inuu ahaa maskaxdii ka dambaysay qorshihii lagu afduubtay diyaaradaha rakaabka ee ganacsiga, laguna dhuftay daarihii Xarunta Ganacsiga Adduunka (World Trade Center) ee magaalada New York iyo xarunta Wasaaradda Difaaca (Pentagon). Weeraradaas 9/11 waxaa ku dhintay ku dhawaad 3,000 oo qof.

 

Xogta ciidankii ugu badnaa oo gaaray Maxaas + Ujeedka

Jamaal Maxamed
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Maxaas (Caasimada Online) – Wararka naga soo gaaraya gobolka Hiiraan ayaa sheegaya in haatan abaabul culus uu ka socda gobolkaasi, waxaana lasoo wariyay in ciidamo gurmad ah ay gaareen degmada Maxaas oo uu ka socdo guluf ka dhan ah maleeshiyada Al-Shabaab.

Ciidamadan oo wata gaadiidka dagaalka ayaa ka yimid magaalooyinka Guriceel iyo Matabaan, waxayna ku biireen abaabulka ka socda Maxaas ee ka dhanka ah Al-Shabaab.

Muuqaallo lagu baahiyey baraha bulshada ayaa muujinaya kolonyo gaadiid dagaal ah oo gudaha u galaya magaalada, iyadoo dadweynuhu ay daawanayaan, waxaana halkaas kusoo dhaweeyay saraakiil ka tirsan ciidamada Xoogga dalka iyo kuwa Macawiisleyda Xawaadle.

Ujeedka ciidamadan gurmadka ah ee tegay furimaha dagaalka ayaa ah inay xoojiyaan ciidamadii horay u joogay halkaasi, waxayna qayb ka noqon doonaan howlgalka la qorsheynayo in dib loogu qabto Moqokori oo muddo todobaad ah ay haystaan Shabaab.

Degmada Maxaas oo ku taalla bartamaha gobolka Hiiraan ayaa noqotay meel istiraatiiji ah oo laga dardar galiyo dadagaalka Khawaarijta, waxaana haatan ku sugan madax heer gobol iyo federaal oo kulamo la yeelanaya qeybaha kala duwan ee bulshada iyo saraakiisha ciidanka.

Qorshaha ugu wayn ayaa ah in laga hortago in maleeshiyaadka Al-Shabaab ay isku fidiyaan gobolka Hiiraan oo inta badan horay looga xoreeyay, waxaana abaabulka horkacaya ergeyga Madaxweynaha u qaabilsan arrimaha Macawiisleyda Mudane Cali Jayte Cismaan.

“Waxaa socda dadaallo dib loogu habeynayo ciidamada deegaanka, si loo xoojiyo dagaalka, una qabsadaan deegaano hor leh oo ku sugan yahay cadowga,” ayuu yiri Cali Jayte.

Si kastaba, abaabulka hadda socda ayaa kusoo aadayo, iyada oo hadal-hayn xoogan iyo falcelin aan caadi ahayn ay ka dhalatalay qabsashada degmada Moqokori oo muddo dheer ay difaacayeen Macawiisleyda Xawaadle, taas oo ugu dambeyn u gacan gashay cadowga.

Daawo: Moole, Joojole, Jeex iyo Banyaa oo la horgeeyay Maxkamadda Ciidamada

Jamaal Maxamed
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Daawo: Moole, Joojole, Jeex iyo Banyaa oo la horgeeyay Maxkamadda Ciidamada

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Maxkamadda Ciidamada Qalaba Sida ayaa waxaa maanta la horgeeyay kiiska afar arday oo dhowaan jirdil xooggan u gaystay macallinkooda oo ku qabtay qish, intii lagu guda jiray imtixaanka shahaadiga dowladda ee sanadkaan.

Maxkamadda Ciidamada ayaa waxaa kasoo muudqday Mucaad Cabdikariin Cismaan (Moole), Cabdullahi Axmed Jimcaale (Joojole), Abuukar Ismaaciil Xasan (Banyaa) iyo Cabdiraxmaan Jeex oo maqane ah, kuna eedeysan inuu dambigan wax ka gaystay.

Laba kamid ah eedeysanayaasha ayaa ah ciidan, waxayna ka kala tirsan yihiin Nabad-sugidda iyo Danab, taas oo u sashahay in falka ay u adeegsadeen bistood ay ku weerareen Macalinka, markii uu soo dhamaaaday imtixaanka shaahadiga ee dugsiga sare.

Dhibane Macallin Xasan Sheekh Maxamed oo kahor hadlay Maxkamadda ayaa sheegay in eedeysanaha koowaad oo ah Mucaad Cabdikariin Cismaan (Moole) uu ka qaaday xilligii imtixaanka taleefoon uu u adeegsanay qish, taas oo keentay in laga kansal gareeyo laba maado, kadibna isaga iyo koox kale ay sidaas weerar hubeysan ugu soo qaadeen.

“Aniga korjoogto ayaan ka ahaa imtixaanka, Mucaad fasalkiisa laba mar ayaan soo galay, waxaana labadii mar ka qaaday taleefoon, markii aan ka qaaday wuu ila hadlay, wuxuna igu yiri si hoose ii xalli aniga waan ka diiday, kadib waxaa ku xigay dhacdada” ayuu yiri Macalinka.

Mucaad Moole oo isna hadalka qaatay ayaa qirtay jirdilka uu u gaystay Macallinka Xasan, balse waxa uu ku dooday in ujeedkiisu aanu ahayn inuu dilo, xabaddana uu kor u riday.

“Macallinka ayaa is gaarnay annaga oo galeynay Exam dowladeed laba maado ayuu igu kansal gareeyay kabacdi waa is qabanay, xabadda aan riday buuq ayaa meesha ka jiray darteed ayaan u riday, garaafada aan gaarsiiyayna waa gacan (Feer).” ayuu yiri Moole.

Intaas kadib xeer ilaalinta oo soo bandhigtay caddeymo ay ku jiraan muuqaallo ay duubtay Kaamiro CCTV ayaa ka dalbatay Maxkamadda Ciidamada inay afarta eedeysane ku xukunto dhaawac iyo isku deyga dilka ah ee ay u gaysteen macallinka, si looga hortago in arrintan ay sii socoto.

Waxaa kale oo ay xeer ilaalintu soo jeedisay in Mucaad Moole iyo Cabdullaahi Joojole oo ka kala tirsan NISA iyo Danab laga saaro ciidanka, sababa la xiriira cabsi gelinta ay sameeyeen.

Ugu dambeyn waxaa fadhigga soo xiray Guddoomiye Xasan Cali Nuur (Shuute) oo sheegay in maxkamadda ay dib ka shaacin doonto go’aanka kama dambeysta ah ee kiiska loo haysto afarta eedeysane ee maanta la horgeeyay Maxkamadda Ciidamada Qalabka Sida.

Sawirro: Xuska xasuuqii Yurub ee lagu laayey 8,000 oo wiilal iyo rag Muslimiin ah

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Sawirro: Xuska xasuuqii Yurub ee lagu laayey 8,000 oo wiilal iyo rag Muslimiin ah

Sarajevo (Caasimada Online) – Kumanaan qof oo ka kala yimid Bosnia iyo daafaha caalamka ayaa Jimcihii shalay isugu tagay magaalada Srebrenica si ay u xusaan sannad-guuradii 30-aad ee ka soo wareegtay xasuuqii halkaas loogu geystay in ka badan 8,000 oo wiilal iyo rag Muslimiin ah oo reer Bosnia ahaa (Bosniak) — fal arxan-darro ah oo loo aqoonsaday inuu yahay xasuuq-qowmiyadeedkii keliya ee ka dhacay Yurub wixii ka dambeeyay Xasuuqii Holocaust.

Toddoba dhibbane oo dhawaan la aqoonsaday oo ka mid ahaa dadkii lagu laayay xasuuqii 1995, oo ay ku jiraan labo wiil oo 19-jirro ahaa, ayaa Jimcihii aas-wadareed loogu sameeyay qabuuraha waaweyn ee u dhow Srebrenica, halkaas oo ay ku aasan yihiin in ka badan 6,000 oo dhibbaneyaal hore ah. Aaska noocan ah ayaa sannad walba loo sameeyaa dhibbanayaasha weli laga soo saarayo tobannaan xabaalo-wadareedyo ah oo ku yaalla hareeraha magaalada.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, qaraabada dhibbanayaasha ayaa inta badan aasi kara oo keliya qaybo ka mid ah haraadiga dadkoodii ay jeclaayeen, maadaama caadiyan laga helo xabaalo-wadareedyo kala duwan oo mararka qaarkood isku jira kiiloomitirro. Sidaas oo kale ayay ahayd xaaladda Mirzeta Karic, oo sugaysay inay aasto aabbaheed.

“Soddon sano oo baadi-goob ah ka dib, hal laf ayaan aasaynaa,” ayay tiri, iyadoo ooyaysa oo ag taagan naxashka aabbaheed oo lagu duudduubay maro cagaaran si waafaqsan dhaqanka Islaamka.

“Waxaan u malaynayaa inay ii fududaan lahayd haddii aan aasi lahaa isagoo dhan. Maxaan kuu sheegaa, aabbahay waa mid ka mid ah 50 qof oo qoyskayga oo dhan laga laayay,” ayay raacisay.

11-kii Luulyo, 1995, waa maalintii ay bilowdeen dilalku ka dib markii dagaalyahannadii Seerbiyaanka Bosnia ay qabsadeen deegaankaas ku yaalla bariga Bosnia bilihii ugu dambeeyay ee dagaalkii sokeeye ee isirka ku dhisnaa ee ka dhacay dalkaas Balkan-ka ku yaal.

Ka dib markii ay la wareegeen gacan ku haynta magaalada oo ahayd aag nabdoon oo Qaramada Midoobay ilaalinaysay xilligii dagaalka, dagaalyahannadii Seerbiyaanka Bosnia waxay ragga iyo wiilasha Muslimiinta ah ee Bosniak ka sooceen qoysaskooda, waxayna si naxariis-darro ah ku toogteen dhowr maalmood gudahood. Meydadka ayaa markaas lagu riday xabaalo-wadareedyo ku yaalla agagaarka Srebrenica, kuwaas oo ay markii dambe cagaf-cagaf ku qaseen, iyagoo haraaga ku kala firdhiyey goobo kale oo lagu aaso si ay u qariyaan caddeymaha dembiyadoodii dagaal.

Golaha Guud ee Qaramada Midoobay (U.N. General Assembly) ayaa sannadkii hore ansixiyay qaraar lagu xusayo xasuuqii Srebrenica sannad walba 11-ka Luulyo.

Tobannaan mas’uuliyiin caalami ah iyo marti sharaf sare ayaa ka qaybgalay munaasabadaha xuska iyo aaska. Waxaa ka mid ahaa Madaxweynaha Golaha Yurub (European Council President) Antonio Costa iyo Marwada Boqortooyada Britain ee Edinburgh, Sophie, oo sheegtay in “waajibkeennu uu yahay inaan xusuusanno dhammaan kuwii si naxdin leh loo waayay, oo aynaan marnaba oggolaan in waxyaabahan oo kale ay mar kale dhacaan.”

Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda ee Netherlands, Caspar Veldkamp, ayaa sheegay inuu dareemayo “xishood iyo is-hoosaysiin” sababtoo ah ciidammo Nabad-ilaalin ah oo Qaramada Midoobay uga socday Netherlands ayaa ku sugnaa Srebrenica markii ay Seerbiyaanka Bosnia qabsadeen magaalada.

“Waan arkaa heerka ay leedahay muhiimadda xuska xasuuqii Srebrenica,” ayuu yiri.

Khudbad qiiiro leh oo ay jeedisay, Munira Subasic, oo madax ka ah ururka Hooyooyinka Srebrenica (Mothers of Srebrenica), ayaa ugu baaqday Yurub iyo adduunka inay “naga caawiyaan la dagaallanka nacaybka, caddaalad-darrada iyo dilka.”

Subasic, oo ku weyday seygeeda iyo wiilkeedii ugu yaraa xasuuqii Srebrenica, iyo sidoo kale in ka badan 20 qof oo qaraabadeeda ah, ayaa ku tiri Yurub “ha toosto.”

“Anigoo halkaan taagan, hooyooyin badan oo ku nool Ukraine iyo Falastiin ayaa maraya wixii aan soo marnay 1995-kii,” ayay tiri Subasic, iyadoo tixraacaysa colaadaha hadda socda. “Waa qarnigii 21-aad, laakiin caddaalad meesheedii, waxaa soo toosay faashiistinimadii.”

Habeenkii ka horreeyay sannad-guurada, waxaa la daah-furay bandhig lagu soo bandhigayay agab shakhsi ah oo ay lahaayeen dhibbanayaasha, kuwaas oo laga helay xabaalo-wadareedyada sannadihii la soo dhaafay.

Colaaddii Bosnia waxay qaraxday 1992-kii, markaasoo Seerbiyaanka Bosnia ay hubka qaateen iyagoo ka soo horjeeday madax-bannaanida dalkaas ee Yugoslavia-dii hore, ujeeddadooduna ahayd inay abuuraan dawlad u gaar ah oo aakhirka la midoowda dalka deriska la ah ee Serbia. In ka badan 100,000 oo qof ayaa lagu dilay, malaayiin kalena waa ay barakaceen ka hor inta aan la gaarin heshiis nabadeed oo uu dhexdhexaadiyay Maraykanku sannadkii 1995-kii.

Bosnia waxay weli u kala qaybsan tahay dhinaca qowmiyadaha, halka Seerbiyaanka Bosnia iyo dalka deriska la ah ee Serbia ay labaduba diiddan yihiin inay aqoonsadaan in xasuuqii Srebrenica uu ahaa xasuuq-qowmiyadeed, inkastoo ay sidaas xukumeen labo maxkamadood oo Qaramada Midoobay hoos taga. Hoggaamiyeyaashii siyaasadda iyo militariga ee Seerbiyaanka Bosnia, Radovan Karadzic iyo Ratko Mladic, iyo sidoo kale kuwa kale oo badan, ayaa lagu helay dembigaas waxaana lagu xukumay xasuuq-qowmiyadeed.

Madaxweynaha dalka Serbia, Aleksandar Vucic, ayaa tacsi u diray bartiisa X, isagoo xasuuqa Srebrenica ku tilmaamay “dembi aad u xun.”

“Meelna Yurub—ama meel kale oo adduunka ah—laguma oggolaan karo dafiraadda xasuuqa-qowmiyadeedka, dib-u-qorista taariikhda, ama ammaanta kuwa ka mas’uulka ahaa,” ayuu yiri Madaxweynaha Golaha Yurub, Costa, khudbaddiisii. “In la dafiro argagaxyada noocan ah waxay sunaynaysaa oo keliya mustaqbalkeenna.”

Shirkii dhameystirka SSC-Khaatumo oo markale baaqday

Jamaal Maxamed
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Shirkii dhameystirka SSC-Khaatumo oo markale baaqday

Laascaanood (Caasimada Online) – Wararka naga soo gaaraya magaalada Laascaanood ee xarunta gobolka Sool ayaa sheegaya in markii labaad uu maanta baaqday shirka dhameystirka Dowlad-goboleedka SSC-Khaatumo, sababa la xiriira dhaq-dhaqaayada iska soo horjeedo ee weli ka socda gobollada Sool iyo Sanaag ee waqooyiga Soomaaliya.

Shirka oo ah mid xasaas ah ayaa waxaa weli socoto qaban-qaabadiisa, waxaana sidoo kale taagan dood ku aadan sidii Sanaag loogu soo biirin lahaa maamulka SSC-Khaatumo.

Kulamo gooni gooni ah oo ka dhacay Laascaanood ayaa looga hadlay shirka, iyada oo guddiga farsamada shirweynaha uu maanta kulan la leeyahay Garaad Jaamac Garaad Cali oo xalay cadeeyay mowqifkiisa shirweynaha iyo ka qaybgalka beesha Warsangali, isaga oo ka saluugay qaabka wax loo wado, gaar ahaan hannaanka loo wajahayo shirweynaha.

Guddiga iyo hoggaanka sare ee SSC-Khaatumo ayaa ku howlan sidii loo xalin lahaa tabashooyinka qaar ee laga muujinayo hannaanka loo wajahayo dhameystirka maamulka, si xal waara looga gaaro dhismaha Dowlad-goboleedka rasmiga ah ee SSC-Khaatumo.

Hoggaamiye Cabdiqaadir Axmed Aw-Cali ayaa dhankiisa xalay kulan muhiim la qaatay Golaha Dhaqanka Ssc-Khaatumo, kaas diirradda lagu saaray geeddi socodka shirka iyo habsami u socodka dhammaan hawlaha hortebinta u leh ka dhabaynta hadafka taarikhiga ah ee shacab-weynaha Ssc-Khaatumo.

Dhinca kale, xildhibaannada Baarlamaanka Khaatumo oo kulan deg-deg ah yeeshay ayaa go’aamiyay in la qabto shirka, lana dhameystirka maamulka, kadibna la aado doorashada.

Lama oga sida ay wax noqon doonaan iyo halka ay ku dambeyn doonto doodda ay keeneen siyaasiyiinta mucaaradka oo ay horkacayaan musharrixiinta, kuwaas oo kasoo horjeestay hannaanka ay Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ku wajaheyo arrimaha SSC-Khaatumo

Si kastaba, SSC-Khaatumo oo hadda u furmay dhabo cusub ayaa isku diyaarineyso maamul dhameystiran iyada oo Dalwadda Federaalka u magacowday guddi farsamo oo howshaas guda-gala kaas oo gaaray Laascaanood oo lagu wado inuu ka furmo shirka aayo ka tashiga.

The new face of international diplomacy in Somalia: Prospects and challenges

Mohamed Omar Bincof, PhD
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The new face of international diplomacy in Somalia: Prospects and challenges

In international relations, states rarely negotiate over a single issue at a time. Rather, diplomacy often involves simultaneous bargaining across multiple dimensions—political, economic, security, and cultural. This complexity necessitates a more dynamic and multidimensional approach to international crisis management. Decision-making in diplomacy is rarely linear; states must prioritize, compromise, and at times escalate. In certain cases, they may even regard specific issues as worth the risk of conflict. 

In recent years, Somalia’s foreign policy has lacked coherence and continuity. This disjointedness has created space for neighboring and other foreign states to exert influence—sometimes directly, sometimes through subtle diplomatic channels—on Somalia’s internal affairs. The country’s fragile political and security environment has only deepened this vulnerability, leading to fragmented foreign engagements and diplomatic setbacks. 

Somalia must urgently adopt a more strategic, interest-driven foreign policy—one that is led by qualified professionals with a strong grasp of international relations and diplomacy. These experts should work closely with elected leaders to ensure that policy decisions reflect both technical expertise and national priorities. A modern foreign policy for Somalia should rest on key pillars: trade and economic relations, political alliances, military cooperation, and cultural exchange. Crucially, diplomatic ties should be shaped not by historical labels of “friend” or “foe,” but by sober assessments of strategic relevance and mutual respect. 

Other nations provide useful lessons. For example, former UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson once declared in the House of Commons that the UK must “stay close to America,” highlighting the UK’s enduring alignment with U.S. strategic interests. Similarly, Somalia’s foreign policy should be rooted in shared values, sovereign equality, and pragmatic partnerships—whether with global powers or regional neighbors, regardless of their relative economic or military strength.

Diplomacy today is no longer power-centric alone—it is values-based, inclusive, and multidimensional. Effective foreign policy requires expertise in history, geography, negotiation, peacemaking, international law, and conflict resolution. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s recent regional visits—to the UAE, Eritrea, Kenya,  Turkey, Djibouti, and Egypt—demonstrate a renewed focus on bilateral cooperation and trust-building. These trips signal a shift toward a diplomacy that is assertive yet conciliatory, principled yet pragmatic.

While the president has played a leading role in revitalizing Somalia’s foreign engagement, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs must serve as the institutional engine driving this transformation. Under the president’s guidance, Somalia’s diplomatic corps must be empowered—technically competent, professionally trained, and strategically oriented—to defend and promote the country’s interests on the global stage.

A central question remains: Is Somalia ready to shift from a reactive to a proactive foreign policy approach? Strategic diplomacy demands foresight and discipline. It also requires clear alignment with Somalia’s international obligations and partnerships, including those with the United Nations, the African Union, IGAD, and other regional bodies.

At its core, diplomacy is about building enduring relationships and resolving disputes without resorting to conflict. It fosters collaboration across economic, cultural, and scientific domains. Yet, diplomats from smaller or less wealthy states are often misjudged as lacking influence. This perception is misleading. True diplomatic strength lies in clarity of purpose, consistency in messaging, and the ability to craft and pursue alternative paths when negotiations stall. Influence is not a function of size or wealth—it stems from strategic clarity and diplomatic competence.

In an increasingly fragmented and competitive global order, Somalia must invest in developing a skilled, professional diplomatic service capable of navigating complex international landscapes. Without such investment, attempts to redefine Somalia’s global posture may fail, potentially deepening the country’s isolation or dragging it into unnecessary geopolitical conflicts. 

Recent engagements, including the meeting between President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, point to Somalia’s intention to pursue deeper security cooperation. This is both timely and necessary. In a region beset by insecurity and shifting alliances, Somalia faces a delicate security dilemma. As a state still recovering from prolonged instability, it must pursue partnerships that reinforce national sovereignty while also addressing regional concerns.

In the Horn of Africa, one country’s security move can easily be perceived by others as a threat. Somalia must navigate this volatile environment with care, upholding its right to defend itself while remaining sensitive to regional dynamics and perceptions. 

Ultimately, Somalia must take proactive, deliberate steps to build diplomatic relationships grounded in mutual interest and respect. Establishing strong, balanced partnerships—such as those with Egypt and other key actors—will be essential to safeguarding Somalia’s national interests in a turbulent and competitive global arena.

Dr. Mohamed Omar Bincof, PhD
Political Scientist, Public Policy Expert, and Advocate for Good Governance in Somalia
[email protected]

Masar iyo Eritrea oo wada-hadal xasaasi ah yeeshay kadib safarkii Xasan Sheekh

Caasimada Online
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Masar iyo Eritrea oo wada-hadal xasaasi ah yeeshay kadib safarkii Xasan Sheekh

Asmara (Caasimada Online) – Wasiirrada arrimaha dibadda ee dalalka Masar iyo Eritrea ayaa yeeshay wada-hadal telefoon ah, kadib kulankii Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh iyo Madaxweyne Cabdalfatax Al-sisi, iyagoo ka  wadahadlay arrimo xasaasi ah oo xiisadda Itoobiya ku saabsan.

Kulanka labada wasiir ayaa diiradda lagu saaray arrimaha gobolka Geeska Afrika iyo Badda Cas, iyadoo labada dhinac ay muujiyeen doonista ay u qabaan xoojinta xiriirkooda iyo iskaashi dhow oo ku saabsan xaaladaha siyaasadeed iyo amni ee gobolka.

Wadahadalkan ayaa kusoo aaday ayadoo dhawaan magaalada El Alamein ee dalka Masar uu kulan ku dhexmaray Madaxweyne Cabdaltattah El-Sisi iyo dhiggiisa Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, labada Madaxweyne ayaa diiradda saaray sidii looga hortegi lahaa damaca Itoobiya.

El-Sisi ayaa Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh u ballan qaaday taageero ciidan iyo in Masar ay sii adkeyn doonto daneynteeda ku aaddan amniga Badda Cas, si looga hortago damaca Itoobiya.

Dowladda Itoobiya ay si cad u sheegtay inay ka go’antahay inay gaarto oo marin biyood iyo saldhig militari ay ka hesho Badda Cas.

Sidoo kale bishii October 2024 Masar, Eritrea iyo Soomaaliya ayaa yeeshay shir madaxeed ka dhacay Asmara, kaas oo lagu adkeeyay iskaashiga amni ee saddex geesoodka ah, si loo ilaaliyo xasilloonida gobolka iyo madax-bannaanida dhuleed ee Soomaaliya.

Wasiirrada arrimaha dibadda Masar iyo Eritrea ayaa isla soo hadal qaaday shirar kale oo heer madaxeed ah iyo in la dejiyo istaraatiijiyad amni oo Itoobiya looga difaacayo Badda Cas.

Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya safarkiisii Masar uga sii gudbay Turkiga, isagoo dhiggiisa kala hadlay arrimo ay ka mid yihiin xoojinta xiriirka istaraatiijiga ah ee labada dal u dhexeeya, iyada oo si gaar ah diiradda loo saaray sare u qaadista iskaashiga dhanka amniga iyo ciribtirka Khawaarijta.

Madaxweynaha Türkiye, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, ayaa carrabka ku adkeeyey in dalkiisu uu xoojinayo taageerada joogtada ah ee Soomaaliya ay la garab taagan yihiin, iyadoo la iftiimiyey xiriirka sii qoto dheeranaya ee labada dal.

 

Odinga oo ka horyimid amar uu bixiyay madaxweyne Ruto

Caasimada Online
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Odinga oo ka horyimid amar uu bixiyay madaxweyne Ruto

Nairobi (Caasimada Online) – Ra’iisul Wasaarihii hore ee dalka Kenya Raila Odinga ayaa si adag u cambaareeyay amar uu dhawaan Madaxweyne William Ruto siiyey ciidamada booliiska oo ahaa in ay si toos ah u toogtaan dadka marka dibadbaxyadu dhacayaan rabshadaha gaysta, gaar ahaan kuwa hantida dadka iyo dowladda waxyeellada u gaysta.

Bayaan uu maanta soo saaray Raila ayuu ku sheegay in amar kasta oo ciidanka booliiska lagu farayo in ay toogtaan, dhaawacaan, cabsi geliyaan ama handadaan muwaadiniinta uu yahay mid qaldan.

Raila oo saami ku leh dowladda ballaaran ee uu hogaamiyo Ruto, ayaa taas beddelkeeda ugu baaqay in la ixtiraamo sharciga iyo in aan la adeegsan xadgudub awooddeysan.

“Dibadbax kasta ama xaalad kasta oo u baahan in la sugo amniga, amar kasta oo oggolaanaya in shacabka la toogto, la dhaawaco, ama la cabsi geliyo waa mid qaldan,” ayuu yiri Raila.

Madaxweynaha Kenya, William Ruto, ayaa si cad u sheegay in cid kasta oo ka qaybqaadanaysa dhac iyo dab qabadsiin goobaha ganacsiga ama xarumaha dolwdda xilliyada mudaaharaadyada dawladda lagaga soo horjeedo in “lugaha laga toogto”.

Madaxweynaha ayaa intaa raaciyay, “Dadka markii aad toogataan isbitaal geeya, kadibna maxkamad ha la geeyo,” weerarrada lagu qaado saldhigyada booliiska ama saraakiisha ayuu sheegay madaxweyne Ruto in loo qaadan doono “ku dhawaaqid dagaal” oo ka dhan ah Kenya.

Raila Odinga Oo ka jawaabay hadalka Maxaxweynaha ayaa yiri “Dalkaan waa in mar walba aan doorannaa sharciga iyo habraaca saxda ah, kana hortagnaa rabitaanka lagu siinayo booliiska awood ay dad rayid ah ku toogtaan, xitaa marka ay muwaadiniintu u muuqdaan kuwo jebiyay sharciga.”

Madaxweyne Ruto ayaa markii uu amarkaas bixinaayey u muuqday mid caro ka muuqato, isagoo si kulul u weeraray shaqsiyaad aan magacooda la sheegin oo uu ku eedeeyay in ay maalgelinayaan qalalaasaha iyo mudaharaadyada ka socda dalka, isaga oo sheegay in dowladdu aysan aqbali doonin wax kasta oo lagu carqaladeynayo xasilloonida dalka.

“Waan aamusnaa, waana dulqaadanayay dadka raba in ay xukunka beddelaan iyaga oo adeegsanaya siyaabo aan dastuur ahayn,” ayuu yiri Ruto.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Raila ayaa si cad uga hor yimid mowqifka Ruto, isaga oo ugu baaqay dowladda in ay diiradda saarto sidii loo qaban lahaa dadka ku lugta leh rabshadaha si sharciga loo mariyo.

Raila ayaa sheegay in tallaabadaasi ay ilaalin doonto karaamada iyo xuquuqda aadanaha ee dadka la tuhunsan yahay, isla markaana ay u keeni doonto daahfurnaan iyo kalsooni dadweynaha tallaabooyinka dowladeed.

Erdogan oo sameeyey ballan-qaad culus kadib markii uu la kulmay Xasan Sheekh

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Erdogan oo sameeyey ballan-qaad culus kadib markii uu la kulmay Xasan Sheekh

Ankara (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynaha Türkiye, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, ayaa maanta oo Jimce ah ku qaabilay madaxtooyada Ankara dhiggiisa Soomaaliya, Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud. Kulanka ayaa lagu adkeeyey taageerada joogtada ah ee Türkiye ay la garab taagan tahay Soomaaliya, iyadoo la iftiimiyey xiriirka sii qoto dheeranaya ee labada dal.

Qoraal ka soo baxay madaxtooyada Soomaaliya ayaa lagu yiri “Labada Madaxwayne ayaa isla soo qaaday arrimo ay ka mid yihiin xoojinta xiriirka istaraatiijiga ah ee labada dal u dhexeeya, iyada oo si gaar ah diiradda loo saaray sare u qaadista iskaashiga dhanka amniga iyo ciribtirka Khawaarijta.”

Intii ay socdeen wadahadallada heerka sare ah, labada hoggaamiye waxay ka wada hadleen xiriirka laba geesoodka ah iyo xaaladihii ugu dambeeyey ee gobolka, iyagoo si gaar ah diiradda u saaray iskaashiga dhinacyada amniga, horumarinta, iyo la-dagaallanka argagixisada.

Madaxweyne Erdoğan ayaa hoosta ka xariiqay sida ay Türkiye uga go’an tahay xoojinta iskaashiga ay la leedahay Soomaaliya, wuxuuna yiri, “Iskaashiga ka dhexeeya Türkiye iyo Soomaaliya wuu sii xoogeysan doonaa.” Wuxuu xusay in labada dal ay diyaar u yihiin inay qaadaan tillaabooyin dheeri ah oo lagu horumarinayo xiriirkooda dhinacyo kala duwan, oo ay ku jiraan difaaca, kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha, waxbarashada, iyo gargaarka bini’aadantinimada.

Isagoo ku celinaya mowqifka adag ee Türkiye ee ka dhanka ah argagixisada, ayuu Erdoğan xaqiijiyey in dalkiisu uu sii wadi doono taageerada uu siiyo shacabka Soomaaliyeed ee halganka kula jira khataraha xagjirnimada. “Dadaallada Soomaaliya ee ay ku doonayso inay ku gaarto midnimo qaran si ay ula dagaallanto argagixisada waa kuwo ahmiyad weyn leh,” ayuu yiri Erdoğan, isagoo carabka ku adkeeyey muhiimadda istiraatiijiyadeed ee xasiloonida Geeska Afrika.

Booqashada Madaxweyne Maxamuud ayaa ku soo beegmaysa xilli uu jiro iskaashi joogto ah oo u dhexeeya labada dal, gaar ahaan dhinacyada amniga iyo horumarinta dhaqaalaha. Türkiye waxay ahayd saaxiib muhiim ah oo garab taagnaa Soomaaliya, iyadoo siinaysay tababbarro milatari, gargaar bini’aadantinimo, iyo mashaariic horumarineed tan iyo sanadkii 2011-kii.

Iskaashigan ayaa waxaa si xooggan uga caraysan Imaaraatka Carabta oo hadda ka shaqeynaya heshiis uu Itoobiya ugu kireynayo saldhig milatari oo uu ka dhisay Somaliland, tallaabadaas oo ah mid si xeeladaysan looga gol leeyahay in lagu wiiqo saamaynta sii ballaaranaysa ee Turkiga uu ku leeyahay Geeska Afrika, sida ay sheegeen saraakiil Soomaali ah iyo ilo xog-ogaal u ah qorshahan xasaasiga ah.

Dhaqdhaqaaqan ay waddo Abu Dhabi ayaa lagu eedeeyay inuu si bareer ah u hurinayo khilaafka halista ah ee u dhexeeya Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya ee ku aaddan helitaanka marin-badeed, taasoo meesha ka saaraysa dhexdhexaadin uu Turkigu hormuud ka ahaa, isla markaana ku riixaysa gobolkan istiraatiijiga ah qalalaase hor leh.

Xudunta qorshahani waa saldhig milatari oo muhiim ah oo ku yaalla dekedda Berbera ee Somaliland, kaasoo uu dhisay Imaaraatka Carabta. Sida ay ilo-wareedyo u sheegeen Caasimada Online, Imaaraatka oo ka walaacsan heshiis difaac oo ballaaran oo ay horaantii 2024 kala saxiixdeen dowladda Soomaaliya iyo Turkiga oo ay xafiiltamaan, ayaa saldhigga u bandhigay dalka aan badda lahayn ee Itoobiya.

Si uu doorkiisa u qariyo, Imaaraatka ayaa la sheegay inuu heshiiska u qaabeeyay mid si toos ah u dhexmara Itoobiya iyo Somaliland, taasoo ka dhigaysa inuu isagu yahay maskaxda aan muuqan ee ka dambaysa xiisaddan sii kordhaysa.

Booqashada ayaa lagu soo gabagabeeyey ballanqaad wadajir ah oo ku aaddan in la sii dardargeliyo iskaashiga diblomaasiyadeed iyo kan istiraatiijiyadeed, iyadoo labada dal ay doonayaan inay kaalin wax-ku-ool ah ka qaataan xaqiijinta nabadda iyo barwaaqada gobolka.

Uganda oo qaadeysa tallaabo kadib diyaaradii uga dhacday garoonka Aadan Cadde

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Uganda oo qaadeysa tallaabo kadib diyaaradii uga dhacday garoonka Aadan Cadde

Kampala (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Uganda ayaa ku dhawaaqday in ay bilowday baaritaan ku saabsan sababta ka dambeysa diyaaradii dhawaan ku burburtay garoonka diyaaradaha Aadan Cadde ee magaalada Muqdisho.

Diyaaradan oo ay lahaayeen ciidanka Uganda ee ku sugan Soomaaliya ayaa ku burburtay gudaha xeyndaabka garoonka Muqdisho. Diyaaradda ayaa shilka gashay xilli ay kusoo degaysay garoonka magaalada caasimada ah ee Muqdisho.

Afhayeenka ciidamada Uganda, Felix Kulayigye ayaa sheegay in diyaaradda ay saarnaayeen sideed qof, isla markaana ay ka duushay garoonka Ballidoogle ee gobolka Shabeellaha Hoose.

Sidoo kale wuxuu xusay in shilka ay ka badbaadeen duuliyihii, ku-xigeenkiisa iyo injineerka duulimaadka, balse ay la kulmeen dhaawacyo culus iyo gubasho. Afar kale ayaa ku geeriyooday, halka saddex qof oo dhulka joogay ay sidoo kale ku dhaawacmeen shilka.

Afhayeenka ayaa carabka ku adkeeyay in dowladda Uganda ay si dhab ah u baarayso waxyaabaha sababay shilka, si loo ogaado wixii ka khaldamay hawl-galka diyaaradda.

Shilkan ayaa dhacay iyadoo horey bishii September ee sanadkii hore ay ciidamada Uganda u waayeen diyaarad qumaatiga u kacda oo ku dhacday inta u dhexeysa Muqdisho iyo Ballidoogle.

Uganda ayaa tan iyo 2007 ka mid ahayd dalalka ugu ciidanka badan ee ku sugan Soomaaliya, iyaga oo qeyb ka ah howlgalka nabad-ilaalinta Midowga Afrika ee AUSSOM.

Si kastaba, howl-galka nabad ilaalinta Midowga Afrika oo loo yaqaano AUSSOM, ayaa ka caawiya dowladda Soomaaliya la-dagaallanka kooxda Al-Shabaab, oo ah urur ka soo horjeeda joogitaanka ciidamada shisheeye ee Soomaaliya. Howl-galkan waxaa ka mid ah ciidamo ka kala socda dalal ay ka mid yihiin Itoobiya, Uganda iyo Kenya.

Masar oo iibsatay nidaamka difaaca cirka oo casri ah

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Masar oo iibsatay nidaamka difaaca cirka oo casri ah

Qaahira (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Masar ayaa si rasmi ah u xaqiijisay inay soo iibsatay nidaamka difaaca cirka ee fog, HQ-9B, kaasoo lagu sameeyo Shiinaha.

Tallaabadan ayaa ka tarjumaysa isbeddelka ku yimid istaraatiijiyadda milatari ee dalkaas, xilli Shiinuhu uu si deg-deg ah u ballaarinayo saameyntiisa dhanka hubka caalamka.

Nidaamkan cusub ee HQ-9B ayaa lagu tilmaamaa mid la jaanqaadi kara nidaamyada kale ee caalamka sida Patriot-ka Mareykanka ama S-300-ka Ruushka.

Wuxuu leeyahay awood uu ku toogto diyaaradaha dagaalka, gantaallada fog laga soo rido iyo kuwa aadka u dheereeya.

Sida ay sheegeen khubaro ku takhasusay amniga iyo difaaca, heshiiskan uu Masar la gashay Shiinaha wuxuu saameyn ku yeelan karaa doorkii Ruushka ee suuqyada hubka Afrika, iyadoo Shiinuhu si tartiib tartiib ah u buuxinayo booskii Moscow ee qaaradda.

Masar oo muddo dheer ahayd macaamiil muhiim ah oo Ruushka u ah dhanka hubka, ayaa hadda muuqata inay wajahayso dhanka Shiinaha.

Tan ayaa waxaa lagu fasiray isbeddelka ballaaran ee ka socda saameynta istiraatiijiyadeed ee Bariga Dhexe iyo Afrika.

C/rashiid Cawl oo shaaciyay magaca cusub ee maamulka SSC, xilli aan la isku raacin

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C/rashiid Cawl oo shaaciyay magaca cusub ee maamulka SSC, xilli aan la isku raacin

Laascaanood (Caasimada Online) – Guddoomiyihii hore ee Baarlamaanka Puntland oo kulamo ka wada magaalada Laascaanood ayaa magaca cusub ee maamulka SSC-Khaatumo ku sheegay “Maamulka Goboleedka Gobollada Waqooyi Bari”.

Xildhibaan Cabdirashiid Cawl oo xiriir dhow la leh Villa Somalia oo wada dhismaha maamulkan ayaa maalmihii lasoo dhaafay dhaq-dhaqaaqyo ciidan ka waday qeybo kamid ah gobolka Sanaag, isagoo ugu dambeyn saldhigtay Laascaanood. Magaaladan ayaa la filayaa in maalinta berri ah uu ka furmo shirka aayo-ka-tashiga maamulka.

Inkasta oo aan weli la isku raacin magaca rasmiga ah ee maamulka SSC, haddana miiska ayaa waxaa saaran ilaa afar magac oo kale, kuwaasoo kala ah: Midnimo State, SSC-Maakhir, SSC-Khaatumo, iyo Sool & Sanaag State.

Ilo ka tirsan ergooyinka shirka oo aanu la hadalnay ayaa inoo xaqiijiyay in aan weli la gaarin heshiis rasmi ah oo ku saabsan magaca maamulka. Waxaa sidoo kale muuqata in Cabdirashiid uu ka mid yahay siyaasiyiinta u ololeynaya in la qaato magaca “Waqooyi Bari”.

Shirka dhameystirka dowlad-goboleedka SSC-Khaatumo oo la filayay in shalay uu ka furmo magaalada Laascaanood ayaa dib u dhacay, waxaana hadda la qorsheynayaa in la qabto maalinta Sabtida ah.

Dib u dhaca shirka ayaa salka ku haya khilaaf siyaasadeed oo ka dhex taagan hoggaanka SSC-Khaatumo iyo musharraxiinta mucaaradka, sida ay sheegayaan ilo wareedyo ku sugan Laascaanood.

Isimada dhaqanka ayaa dadaal xooggan ku bixinaya sidii loo xallin lahaa tabashada musharraxiinta mucaaradka, si shirweynaha aayo-ka-tashiga uu si rasmi ah u qabsoomo.

Faah-faahinta qarax ka dhacay duleedka Muqdisho

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Faah-faahinta qarax ka dhacay duleedka Muqdisho

Afgooye (Caasimada Online) – Faah-faahino dheeraad ah ayaa laga helayaa qarax miino oo saaka ka dhacay xero ciidan oo ku taalla degmada Afgooye oo qiyaastii illaa 30 KM u jirta magaalada caasimada ah ee Muqdisho.

Qaraxa miino oo ka dhacay gudaha xerada guutada 7-aad ayaa waxaa ka dhashay khasaare isugu jira dhimasho iyo dhaawac, iyadoo wararka la helayo ay sheegayaan in qarax uu ku geeriyooday Dhame Maxamuud Saleebaan Salaad, oo ahaa abaanduulaha ururka 64aad.

Sidoo kale, laba askari oo ka tirsanaa ilaalada gaarka ah ee sarkaalkan ayaa la sheegay in ay waxyeello kasoo gaartay qaraxaasi.

Weli si rasmi ah looma oga in qaraxa uu ahaa mid gudaha loo geliyay xerada iyo in kale, waxaana socda baaritaanno ay wadaan ciidamadu, iyadoo ay saldhigga booqdeen saraakiil sare oo ka tirsan ciidanka.

Maamulka degmada Afgooye iyo taliska ciidanka milateriga Soomaaliya weli kama aysan hadlin dhacdadaan.

Degmada Afgooye ayaa waxaa mararka qaar ka dhaca dilal iyo qaraxyo la mid ah kan maanta, kuwaas oo khasaaro u geysta dad rayid ah iyo ciidamada dowladda.

Dilalka iyo qaraxyada noocaan ah ayaa waxaa lagu eedeeya inay ka dambeeyeen maleeshiyaadka kooxda Al-Shabaab oo inta badan weeraro ka fuliya Afgooye.

Mareykanka oo xalay ciidanka Puntland cirka uga daadiyay…

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Mareykanka oo xalay ciidanka Puntland cirka uga daadiyay…

Boosaaso (Caasimada Online) – Mareykanka ayaa xalay sahay iyo raashin dhinaca cirka uga soo daadiyay ciidamada difaaca Puntland ee ku sugan buuraha Calmiskaad, kuwaas oo dagaal adag kula jira maleeshiyaadka Daacish.

Waxaa adkaaday isku socodka askarta, kadib markii ay Daacish marar sii horreysay qaraxyo la beegsatay gawaari ciidan, taasoo sababay dhimashada iyo dhaawaca tobannaan askari iyo weerarro jidgooyo ah oo hakiyay isu socodka tuulooyinka.

“Dowladda Puntland waxay caawa xagga cirka raashin iyo agab ku gaarsiisay ciidanka hawl-galka ciribtirka argagixisada ee Puntland ee ku sugan buuralayda Calmiskaad, iyadoo arrintaasi ay fududeeyeen saaxiibada dowladda Puntland ee Maraykanka,” ayaa lagu yiri qoraal kasoo baxay howl-galka Calmiskaad.

Qoraalka ayaa sidoo kale iftiimiyay doorka Mareykanka ee ku aaddan dagaalka ka socda halkaas, iyadoo la xusay in Mareykanku uu todobaadkan fuliyay duqeymo lala beegsaday goobo ay ku dhuumanayeen firxadka Daacish, si loo xoojiyo howl-galka socda.

Duqeymahan ayaa waxaa si gaar ah loogu beegsaday saraakiil sar-sare oo uu ku jiro ku-xigeenka Amiirka guud ee Daacish, kaasi oo ku dhuumaaleysanayay buuraleyda Calmiskaad, sida uu sheegay maamulka Puntland.

Howl-galkaas ayaa qeyb ka ahaa wajigii ugu dambeeyay ee gulufka Daacish, iyadoo Puntland ay sheegtay in iskaashiga ay la leedahay ciidamada Mareykanka uu yahay mid miro-dhal ah, oo laga gaaray guulo dhanka dagaalka ah.

Si kastaba, howl-galladan wadajirka ah ayaa muujinaya kordhinta duqeymaha iskaashi ee Mareykanka uu ka wado gudaha dalka, kuwaas oo muhiim u ah dagaalka lagula jiro kooxaha argagixisada.

Explainer: How the UAE ignites a proxy war in Somalia?

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Explainer: How the UAE ignites a proxy war in Somalia?

The volatile Horn of Africa is now the stage for a high-stakes geopolitical chess match, with a new report alleging that the United Arab Emirates is deliberately orchestrating a deal for Ethiopia to lease a military base in Somaliland. 

This is not merely a regional dispute over a port; it is the calculated weaponization of a nation’s sovereign territory in a shadow war for influence between the UAE and Turkey. The move threatens to unravel a fragile peace, derail diplomacy, and push the entire region toward a multi-party confrontation.

What it means: The export of a rivalry

At its heart, this crisis represents the full-scale export of the fierce rivalry between the UAE and Turkey into one of the world’s most vulnerable regions. Somalia has become the battleground, and the core issues of Ethiopian sea access and Somaliland’s quest for statehood have become pawns in a much larger game.

From partnership to proxy war: For years, Gulf states and Turkey have vied for influence in Somalia through investment, aid, and security assistance. This alleged move by the UAE marks a dramatic escalation from competition to confrontation, using Ethiopia as a proxy to undermine Turkey’s strategic gains.

Weaponizing sovereignty: The UAE’s strategy is particularly insidious because it leverages a pre-existing asset—a military base it built in Berbera—and exploits both Ethiopia’s strategic desperation and Somaliland’s political ambitions. By structuring the deal as a bilateral agreement between Ethiopia and Somaliland, the UAE can act as the architect of the crisis while maintaining a degree of plausible deniability.

The death of neutrality: This maneuver forces regional actors to pick sides, extinguishing any hope of neutrality. It transforms a historically bilateral dispute between Somalia and Ethiopia into a complex web of alliances, making a diplomatic solution exponentially more difficult.

The players and their motives: A tangled web of ambition

Understanding this crisis requires unpacking the motivations of each key actor, each pursuing a high-stakes goal.

The United Arab Emirates (The Architect): Alarmed by the 2024 Turkey-Somalia defense pact that granted its rival, Turkey, control over Somalia’s coastline, the UAE made a decisive countermove. By handing Ethiopia a naval base, it simultaneously checks Turkish power, reasserts its influence in the vital Red Sea/Gulf of Aden corridor, and punishes Somalia for aligning with Ankara.

Ethiopia (The Beneficiary): Landlocked since Eritrea’s independence, securing sea access is an existential issue for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The UAE’s offer presents a golden opportunity to achieve this long-held dream, complete with a ready-made military facility, a prize for which Ethiopia appears willing to risk regional condemnation and conflict.

Somaliland (The Enabler): For the self-declared republic, this is the ultimate transaction. By leasing the port, Somaliland is trading its most valuable asset—strategic geography—for implicit support and potential future recognition from a regional hegemon like Ethiopia. It is a gamble to break its decades-long political isolation.

Turkey (The Target): The 10-year defense deal was a major strategic victory for Ankara, positioning it as the primary security guarantor in the region. The UAE’s move is a direct challenge to this new status, aimed at rendering the Turkish naval commitment more complex and dangerous.

Somalia (The Victim): Mogadishu is fighting a battle on two fronts: protecting its territorial integrity from Ethiopia’s ambitions while also confronting the alleged sabotage by the UAE, a nation it once considered a key partner. The deal is an existential threat to the Somali state.

How diplomacy failed: A cascade of countermoves

The crisis reveals how quickly diplomacy can collapse when a major power acts as a spoiler. Turkey’s initial attempt to mediate a peaceful solution—one that would grant Ethiopia commercial, not military, access—was a viable off-ramp. Ankara even enlisted Qatar to pressure Somaliland.

However, this delicate process was shattered by a rapid series of defensive escalations. Viewing the Berbera plan as an imminent threat, Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud made a desperate dash to Cairo, securing a defense pact with Egypt—a primary rival of Ethiopia. 

While intended as a deterrent, this move was the final nail in the coffin for dialogue. Addis Ababa interpreted Somalia’s alignment with its adversary as a hostile act, justifying the abandonment of talks and the finalization of the deal with Somaliland.

The result is a dangerous new geopolitical alignment: Ethiopia, Somaliland, and the UAE on one side, facing a loose bloc of Somalia, Turkey, and Egypt on the other.

The alleged actions of the UAE have pushed the Horn of Africa to the edge of a precipice. This is no longer a contained dispute. It is a multi-layered conflict where local grievances serve as fuel for a larger proxy war. The stability of the entire region now hangs in the balance, held hostage by the strategic ambitions of rival powers. 

A miscalculation by any party could easily ignite a wider conflict, with devastating consequences for a region already beset by instability, drought, and violence. The new fault lines being drawn are not on a map but between capitals, and they are pushing the Horn of Africa dangerously close to the breaking point. 

Gabadha Ilhaan Cumar oo sameysay arrin lama filaan ah kadib xaalad soo wajahday

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Gabadha Ilhaan Cumar oo sameysay arrin lama filaan ah kadib xaalad soo wajahday

Washington (Caasimada Online) – Isra Xirsi, gabadha xildhibaanad Ilhaan Cumar ayaa shaaca ka qaadday in dharkeeda hore iibinayso si ay u daboolto baahiyaha nololeed kadib markii ay soo wajahday shaqo la’aan tan iyo markii ay dhamaysatay waxbarashada jaamacadda Barnard College ee New York.

Isra oo 22 sano jir ah ayaa caan ka noqotay ka qayb-galka bannaanbaxyo looga soo horjeeday Israa’iil, kuwaas oo sanadkii hore ka dhacay jaamacadda Columbia University. Falalkaasi ayaa horseeday in si ku-meel-gaar ah jaamacadda looga saaro, iyadoo sidoo kalena la xiray.

Waxay ka mid ahayd ururka Columbia University Apartheid Divest (CUAD), waxaana bishii April ee 2024 lala xiray in ka badan 100 arday oo dhisay kaamam bannaanbaxyo ah gudaha jaamacadda. Markii la xiray kadib, Isra waxaa laga saaray hoygii ardayda, taasoo sababtay in aysan haysan meel ay degto iyo cunto ku filan.

Qoraal ay ku baahisay barta Instagram ayay Isra ku sheegtay xaaladda nololeed ee ay hadda ku sugan tahay: “Shaqo la’aanba i heshay”, iyadoo xustay in ay dharkeeda hore iibinayso si ay u daboolto baahiyaha nololeed. Dharkaasi ayay ku soo bandhigtay barnaamijka Depop, waxaana ka mid ah kabaha Dr. Martens, goonooyin iyo jaakado midabyo kala duwan leh oo qaarkood ay aad u jeclayd, sida ay sheegtay.

Inkasta oo ay dhamaysay waxbarashadeeda bishii May, Isra wali shaqo rasmi ah ma aysan helin. Hooyadeed, Ilhaan Cumar ayaa wakhtigii qalin-jabinta gabadheeda baraha bulshada kala soo muuqatay, iyadoo tiri: “Ma jiryo farxad ka weyn tan waalidku dareemo marka uu arko ilmihiisa oo guulaystay.”

Si kastaba, warar kala duwan ayaa tilmaamaya in shirkado badan oo Mareykan ah ay ka fogaadeen shaqaaleysiinta ardaydii qayb ka ahayd mudaharaadyadii taageerayay qadiyadda Falastiin, sababo la xiriira cabashooyin laga keenay dhibaatooyin ay la kulmeen arday Yuhuud ah.

Hase yeeshee, lama xaqiijin karo in tani si toos ah ugu sabab tahay shaqo la’aanta Isra iyo xaaladda adag ee wajaheyso.

Isra Xirsi ayaa astaan u noqotay ardayda halganka ugu jirta in ay u doodaan waxa ay aaminsan yihiin, xilli ay la kulmayaan culeysyo siyaasadeed iyo dhaqaale oo ka dhashay mowqifyadooda.

Sida ay u ekaan karaan wada-hadallada Mareykanka iyo Al-Shabab iyo nooca heshiiska

Asad Cabdullahi Mataan
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Sida ay u ekaan karaan wada-hadallada Mareykanka iyo Al-Shabab iyo nooca heshiiska

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Fikradda ah in maamulka Trump uu ka fiirsan karo wadahadal lala yeesho Al-Shabaab ma ahan oo kaliya cinwaan xasaasi ah—waa isbeddel dhul-gariir siyaasadeed oo kale ah oo ku iman kara Geeska Afrika.

Arrintan, oo uu soo jeediyay la-taliye hore oo ka tirsanaa Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda ee Mareykanka, waxay muujinaysaa isbeddel weyn oo lama filaan ah oo ka duwan siyaasaddii la-dagaallanka argagixisada ee Mareykanka ee ku dhowaad labaatanka sano jirsatay, taasoo dhalinaysa su’aalo degdeg ah oo ku saabsan mustaqbalka mid ka mid ah colaadaha ugu muddada dheer adduunka.

Xamse Warfa, oo ahaa la-taliye sare oo ka tirsanaa Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda xilligii Madaxweyne Biden, ayaa muujiyay aragtidan cusub. Wareysi uu dhawaan siiyay Universal Somali TV, ayuu Warfa ku dooday in istiraatiijiyadda milatari kaliya ku tiirsan ee Mareykanku ay gaartay meeshii ugu dambaysay.

“Waxaa jira calaamado muujinaya in wadahadalladu ay hadda billaaban karaan,” ayuu yiri, isagoo tilmaamaya in xal siyaasadeed laga yaabo inuu yahay waddada kaliya ee suurtagalka ah ee loo mari karo xalka. Hadalladiisa waxay si dadban u xusayaan dood-hoosaadyo horseedi kara bilawga dib-u-habayn weyn oo xagga siyaasadda ah—mid salka ku haysa garawshaha sii kordhaya ee ah in guul milatari oo kama dambays ah ay tahay mid aan la gaari karin.

Haddii isbeddelka noocan ahi uu rumoobo, wuxuu ku qasbi doonaa Washington inay dib uga fikirto qeexitaannadeeda guusha iyo guuldarrada ee ku aaddan waxa noqday dagaalka hoose ee ugu muddada dheer Mareykanka. Laakiin waxaa weli taagan su’aalo muhiim ah: Wadahadal lala yeesho Al-Shabaab run ahaantii ma yahay mid macquul ah? Sidee buu u ekaan karaa kulan noocaas ah? Halkee se ayuu kaga tagi doonaa dowladda Soomaaliya?

Micnaha arrintan: Qirashada is-mari-waa

Saldhigga arrintan, ka fiirsashada wadahadalladu waa qirasho dadban oo ah in siyaasaddii hadda jirta ee Mareykanka—oo ahayd olole ku dhowaad labaatan sano socday oo isugu jiray duqeymo cirka ah iyo taageero milatari—ay ku guuldarraysatay inay gaarto hadafkeedii ugu dambeeyay: ciribtirka kama dambaysta ah ee Al-Shabaab.

Ka guurista ciribtirka iyo u wareegidda xakameyn: Tani waxay muujinaysaa isbeddel aad u weyn oo ku yimaada istiraatiijiyadda la-dagaallanka argagixisada ee Mareykanka. Halkii laga raadin lahaa burburinta kooxda, diiradda waxaa loo weecin doonaa sidii loo baabi’in lahaa khatarta tooska ah ee ay ku hayaan dhulka Mareykanka iyo danihiisa. Tani waa tallaabo waaqici ah, inkastoo ay tahay mid muran badan dhalin karta, oo looga guurayo iska horimaad fikir loona gudbayo maaraynta colaadda.

Hirgelinta aragtida ‘dagaallada aan dhammaadka lahayn’: Tallaabadan suurtagalka ah waxay si toos ah ula jaanqaadaysaa rabitaanka Madaxweyne Donald Trump ee sida weyn loo diiwaangeliyay ee ah in Mareykanka laga saaro faragelinta milatari ee dibadda ee qaaliga ah oo u muuqata mid aan laga guuleysan karin. Sida ka bixitaankii Afghanistan, hadafka ugu weyn wuxuu noqon lahaa in la soo afjaro ku lug lahaanshaha Mareykanka, xitaa haddii ay taasi ka dhigan tahay in wadahadal lala galo cadow soo jireen ah.

Sharciyeynta jabhadda: Dhanka Al-Shabaab, wadahadal toos ah oo ay la galaan quwad weyn waxay u noqonaysaa guul dacaayadeed oo ballaaran. Waxay ka soo qaadi doontaa heerka “koox argagixiso” una dallacsiin doontaa inay noqdaan dhinac siyaasadeed iyo milatari oo sharci ka ah masraxa caalamka, taasoo ah maqaam ay muddo dheer higsanayeen.

Suurtagal ma tahay? Caqabadaha iyo tusaalooyinka jira

Waddada loo marayo wadahadaladu waxaa ka buuxa caqabado, laakiin ma ahan mid aan la mari karin.

Caqabadda sharci: Dhibaatada ugu weyn waa aqoonsiga Al-Shabaab loogu aqoonsaday Urur Argagixiso Shisheeye ah (FTO) sanadkii 2008. Sharcigani wuxuu mamnuucayaa in dowladda Mareykanku ay bixiso “taageero maaddi ah,” waxaana wadahadallada loo arki karaa inay yihiin taageero noocaas ah. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, laanta fulinta waxay leedahay awood ballaaran oo ay ugu dhaqaaqdo siyaasadda arrimaha dibadda. Maamul madaxweyne oo ka go’an tahay wadahadaladu wuxuu heli karaa xeelado sharci ah ama wuxuu soo saari karaa dhaafitaan gaar ah, sidii uu ku sameeyay arrintii Taliban.

Tusaalihii Afghanistan: Wadahadalladii Mareykanka uu la yeeshay Taliban ee Doha waxay dejiyeen tusaale awood leh. Geeddi-socodkaasi wuxuu muujiyay in aqoonsiga FTO uusan ahayn caqabad aan laga gudbi karin marka ay jirto doonis siyaasadeed oo wadahadal lagu raadinayo. Taageerayaasha aragtidani waxay ku doodayaan haddii ay suurtagal noqotay in lala hadlo kooxdii hoyga siisay Al-Qaacida ka hor 9/11, inay sidoo kale suurtagal tahay in lala hadlo farac ka tirsan Al-Qaacida.

Danta labada dhinac: Si wadahadal uu u suurtagalo, labada dhinacba waxay u baahan yihiin sabab ay miiska ugu yimaadaan.

Dhanka Mareykanka: Dantu waa iska caddahay: soo afjaridda ballanqaad milatari oo qaali ah oo u muuqda mid aan dhammaad lahayn oo ka jira gobol aan ka mid ahayn ahmiyadaha istiraatiiji ee heerka koowaad.

Dhanka Al-Shabaab: In kasta oo ay mabda’ ahaan ka soo horjeedaan reer galbeedka, haddana kooxdu waxay sidoo kale la kulmaysaa cadaadis milatari oo joogto ah. Heshiis dammaanad qaadaya ka bixitaanka diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn ee Mareykanka iyo ciidamada shisheeye ee Afrikaanka ah wuxuu u noqon lahaa guul istiraatiiji ah oo weyn, taasoo u oggolaanaysa inay xoojiyaan awooddooda oo ay raacaan ajandahooda gudaha. Fursadda ay ku gaari karaan hadafkooda ugu weyn—ka saarista ciidamada shisheeye—iyagoo adeegsanaya wadahadal waa dhiirigelin awood badan.

Sidee buu heshiis u ekaan karaa?

Heshiis kasta oo suurtagal ah wuxuu u badan yahay inuu u ekaado qaab-dhismeedka asaasiga ah ee heshiiskii Mareykanka iyo Taliban, isagoo diiradda saaraya gorgortan ku salaysan “ciidan bixis, argagixiso joojin.”

Dalabaadka Mareykanka: Shayga aan gorgortan gali doonin ee Washington wuxuu noqon lahaa ballanqaad adag oo Al-Shabaab ka yimaada oo ah inay gebi ahaanba jaraan xiriirka ay la leeyihiin shabakadaha argagixisada ee caalamiga ah, gaar ahaan Al-Qaacida. Mareykanku wuxuu dalban lahaa dammaanad qaad ah in dhulka Soomaaliya aan mardambe loo isticmaali doonin meel lagu qorsheeyo ama laga soo qaado weeraro ka dhan ah Mareykanka ama xulafadiisa.

Dalabaadka Al-Shabaab: Dalabka udub-dhexaadka u ah kooxda wuxuu noqon lahaa ka bixitaanka dhammaan ciidamada shisheeye ee Soomaaliya, oo ay ku jiraan shaqaalaha Taliska Ciidamada Mareykanka ee Afrika (AFRICOM) iyo howlgalka Midowga Afrika (ATMIS). Waxay sidoo kale dalban lahaayeen in laga qaado cunaqabateynta caalamiga ah, laga saaro liiska FTO, iyo malaha nooc aqoonsi caalami ah ama ugu yaraan faragelin la’aan.

Su’aalaha aan la xallin: Qaybta ugu adag ee heshiis kasta waxay ku saabsanaan doontaa mustaqbalka Soomaaliya lafteeda. Heshiisku wuxuu u badan yahay inuu ka madmadowaan doono siyaasadda gudaha Soomaaliya laakiin wuxuu taaban karaa qodobadan soo socda:

Awood-qaybsi: Door suurtagal ah oo Al-Shabaab ay ku yeelato maamulka qaybo ama dalka oo dhan. Tani waxay u dhexeyn kartaa ismaamul goboleed la aqoonsan yahay oo ay ka hirgeliyaan dhulkooda adag ilaa door rasmi ah oo ay ku yeeshaan dowlad midnimo qaran.

Shareecada Islaamka: Dalabka Al-Shabaab ee ah in la hirgeliyo fasiraaddooda adag ee shareecada Islaamka ayaa noqon doona qodob weyn oo lagu murmo.

Hub-ka-dhigis: Su’aasha ah waxa laga yeelayo kumannaanka dagaalyahan ee Al-Shabaab waxay u baahan tahay in wax laga qabto, inkastoo tan inta badan dib loogu dhigo marxalad dambe oo wadahadal Soomaali-dhexdeed ah.

Su’aasha muhiimka ah: Xaalka dowladda Soomaaliya

Tani waa dhinaca ugu khatarta badan ee xaaladdan oo dhan. Wadahadal toos ah oo dhexmara Mareykanka iyo Al-Shabaab wuxuu Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya (SFG) ee caalamku aqoonsan yahay gelin doonaa xaalad aad u nugul.

In la iska fogeeyo oo la wiiqo: Sida dowladdii Afghanistan inteeda badan looga reebay wadahadalladii hore ee Mareykanka iyo Taliban, Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya (SFG) waxay u badan tahay in sidoo kale la iska fogeyn doono. Tani waxay si ba’an u wiiqi doontaa sharciyaddeeda, iyadoo adduunka—iyo shacabkeeda—tusi doonta in bahwadaagteeda ugu weyn ee dhanka amniga uu mustaqbalkeedii kala xaajoonayo

Luminta saameynta gorgortanka: Awoodda Dowladda Federaalka waxay si weyn ugu tiirsan tahay taageerada milatari iyo midda maaliyadeed ee caalamka. Haddii Mareykanka, oo ah taageeraha ugu weyn, uu muujiyo rabitaan ah inuu isaga baxo, dowladda waxay luminaysaa awooddeeda gorgortan ee ugu muhiimsan. Hawlgalkeedii milatari ee hakaday ayaa horey u kashifay awooddeeda xaddidan marka aysan jirin taageero shisheeye oo xooggan.

In lagu qasbo miiska wadahadalka: Ugu dambayn, hadafka Mareykanku wuxuu noqon lahaa in la horseedo wadahadal Soomaali-dhexdeed ah oo dhexmara dowladda iyo Al-Shabaab. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, marka la gaaro heerkaas, isku-dheellitirka awoodda ayaa si aasaasi ah isu beddeli doona. Dowladda Federaalka waxaa lagu qasbi doonaa inay ka gorgortanto meel ay ku taagan tahay daciifnimo weyn, iyadoo Al-Shabaab ay dhiiranaan iyo sharciyad ka heshay heshiiska ay la gashay Mareykanka.

Gebogabadii, in kasta oo rajada laga qabo wadahadallo dhexmara Mareykanka iyo Al-Shabaab ay weli tahay mala-awaal, waxay matalaysaa gunaanad macquul ah, inkastoo uu yahay mid naxdin leh, oo ku yimaada aragti siyaasad dibadeed oo diiradda saaraysa soo afjaridda “dagaallada aan dhammaadka lahayn.” Waa mid suurtagal ah, iyadoo la raacayo naqshaddii Afghanistan, laakiin waxay noqon doontaa mid khatar badan.

Heshiiska noocan oo kale ah wuxuu xaqiijin karaa danaha ciriiriga ah ee Mareykanka ee la-dagaallanka argagixisada. Hase yeeshee, wuxuu ku imaan doonaa kharashka ay u badan tahay inuu noqdo burburka nidaamka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya ee hadda jira, isagoo gogol xaar u noqonaya mustaqbal ay Al-Shabaab ku leedahay awood siyaasadeed oo la aqoonsan yahay.

Diyaargarowgii u dambeeyay ee dib u qabashada Moqokori

Guuleed Muuse
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Maxaas (Caasimada Online) – Waxaa socda diyaar-garowgii u dambeeyay ee ciidamada dowladda iyo kuwa deegaanka ugu dhaqaaqi lahaayeen dib u qabsashada Moqokori oo dhawaan gashay gacanta kooxda Al-Shabaab.

Saraakiil ka tirsan ciidanka xoogga dalka, mas’uuliyiinta gobolka Hiiraan iyo madax ka tirsan dowladda federaalka ayaa haatan ku sugan magaalada Maxaas ee gobolka Hiiraan, halkaasi oo ay ka wadaan kulamo looga hadlayo dib u qabsashada magaalada Moqokori.

Sidoo kale waxaa socda diyaar-garow ciidan, si dagaal culus loogu qaado maleeshiyaadka hadda ku sugan Moqokori. Magaaladan ayaa ah deegaan istaraatiiji, waxayna ku taalla meel u dhaw xadka labada gobol ee Hiiraan iyo Shabeellaha Dhexe.

Dhinaca kale, Guddoomiyihii hore ee gobolka Hiiraan ahna La-taliyaha Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya ee ciidamada deegaanka ee loo yaqaano Macawiisleyda, Cali Jeyte Cismaan oo la hadlay warbaahinta ayaa adkeeyay in ay dib ugu laaban doonaan Moqokori oo ay hore uga soo baxeen ciidamadu kadib dagaal ka dhacay halkaasi.

“Waxaa socda dadaallo dib loogu habeynayo ciidamada deegaanka, si loo xoojiyo dagaalka, una qabsadaan deegaano hor leh oo ku sugan yahay cadowga,” ayuu yiri Cali Jeyte.

Maxaas oo ah magaalada uu haatan ka socda abaabulka dib u qabsashada Moqokori ayaa waxaa maalmihii lasoo dhaafay ku sugnaa mas’uuliyiinta heer gobol iyo federaal, halkaasi oo kulamo muhiim ah kula qaateen saraakiisha ciidanka, hoggaanka dhaqanka iyo dadka deegaanka.

Si kastaba, abaabulka hadda socda ayaa kusoo aadayo, iyada oo hadal-hayn xoogan iyo falcelin aan caadi ahayn ay ka dhalatalay qabsashada degmada Moqokori oo muddo dheer ay difaacayeen Macawiisleyda Xawaadle, taas oo ugu dambeyn u gacan gashay cadowga.

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