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Sunday, May 10, 2026

Golaha Wasiirada oo maanta ansixiyay xubnaha guddiga…

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Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Golaha Wasiirrada Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya oo maanta yeeshay kulankoodii caadiga ahaa ayaa ansixiyey xubnaha Guddiga Tacliinta Sare ee Qaranka.

Guddigan oo goluhu sheegay in lagu soo xulay si hufnaan iyo caddaalad ah ayaa waxaa soo gudbisay Wasaaradda Waxbarashada, Hiddaha iyo Tacliinta Sare.

Guddigan ayaa ka kooban 15-xubnood oo ah aqoonyahanno leh karti, khibrad iyo waayo aragnimo la xiriirta arrimaha waxbarashada iyo maamulka, kuwaas oo ka shaqeyn doona horumarinta hey’adaha tacliinta sare ee dalka, waxaana ay kala yihiin:

1.⁠ ⁠Dr Cabdinuur Sheekh Maxamuud – Guddoomiyaha Guddiga
2.⁠ ⁠Dr. Maxamed Cali Faarax Guddoomiye – Ku-xigeenka Guddiga
3.⁠ ⁠Dr. Ayaan Sh. Cabdullaahi Maxamed – Xubin
4.⁠ ⁠Dr. Axmed Adam Maxamed –Xubin
5. Dr. Roble Ibrahim Liban – Xubin
6.⁠ ⁠Dr. Cabdulqaadir Cabdulle Cibaar – Xubin
7.⁠ ⁠Dr. Cabdishakuur Sh. Xasan (Fiqi) – Xubin
8. Dr. Cabdullaahi Maxamuud Shariif – Xubin
9.⁠ ⁠Dr. Cabdiwahab Ali Mumin – Xubin
10. Dr. Cismaan Maxamed Cabdiraxman – Xubin
11.⁠ ⁠Dr. Faysal Cabdiraxmaan Cabdullaahi – Xubin
12.⁠ ⁠Dr. Maxamed Macallin Abdullahi Kutub – Xubin
13.⁠ ⁠Dr. Maxamad Ibraahim Nuur – Xubin
14.⁠ ⁠Dr. Maxaamuud Yusuf Garre – Xubin
15.⁠ ⁠Dr. Nadiifa Sheekh Cumar – Xubin

Dhinaca kale, shirka golaha ayaa looga hadlay dib-u-eegista qaab dhismeedka hey’adaha dowladda iyo sida loo waafajinayo shuruudaha xeerka kala xadeynta.

Kulanka oo uu guddoominayey Ra’iisul Wasaare Xamza Cabdi Barre, ayaa waxaa lagu soo bandhigay warbixinno la xiriira amniga iyo howl-gallada dib-u-xoreynta ee ka socda qeybo kamid ah dalka, iyada oo lagu bogaadiyey ciidamada qalabka sida iyo kuwa deegaanka halganka naf-hurnimada leh.

Sidoo kale, Wasaaradda Awqaafta iyo Arrimaha Islaamka Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya aya lagu bogaadiyey horumarinta iyo tayeynta ay ku sameysay adeegga Xajka, taas oo keentay in Soomaaliya ay kaalmaha hore ka gasho dalalka sida ugu wanaagsan ugu adeegay Xujeydooda.

Israa’iil oo la ogaaday in ay qarisay khasaaraha dagaalkii Iran – Maxaa hada soo baxay?

Tel Aviv (Caasimada Online) – Iyadoo uu haatan dhammaaday dagaalkii, ayaa warbixinnada warbaahintu waxay billaabeen inay daaha ka rogaan baaxadda khasaaraha ka dhashay gantaalladii ay Iiraan ku garaacday Israel intii uu socday dagaalkii bishii hore.

Raiisel Wasaaraha Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, ayaa ku dhawaaqay “guul taariikhi ah” kaddib markii madaxweynaha Mareykanka, Donald Trump, uu iclaamiyay xabbad-joojin 23-kii Juun. Wuxuu ku tilmaamay weerarradii furitaanka inay ahaayeen guul weyn, isagoo ballanqaaday in Israel aysan “ka daali doonin” inay ka hortagto khatar kasta oo soo cusboonaata.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Netanyahu wuxuu sidoo kale qiray in Israel uu soo gaaray khasaare culus. Wasaaradda Caafimaadka Israel ayaa warbixin ku sheegtay in 29 qof ay ku dhinteen 3,238 kalena ay ku dhaawacmeen, kuwaasoo qaarkood ay xaaladdoodu halis tahay, taasoo ka dhalatay weerarrada Iiraan.

Dagaalka ayaa sidoo kale sababay burbur ballaaran oo soo gaaray kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha, hantida, iyo dhismayaasha guud ahaan dalka. Wasaaradda Maaliyadda ayaa ku qiyaastay kharashka guud ee dagaalka ku baxay 10 bilyan oo shekel ($3 bilyan).

Sida ay qortay wakaaladda wararka ee TheMarker, khasaaraha tooska ah ee ka dhashay weerarrada gantaallaha Iiraan ayaa lagu qiyaasay inta u dhaxaysa saddex ilaa shan bilyan oo shekel ($900 milyan ilaa $1.5 bilyan), iyadoo khasaaraha dadban la saadaalinayo inuu la mid noqon doono tiradaas.

Xog ay daabacday Maariv ayaa muujisay in in ka badan 1,000 dhisme ay waxyeelloobeen ama ay burbureen, kuwaasoo u badnaa magaalooyinka bartamaha ku yaal sida Ramat Gan, Tel Aviv, Ness Ziona, iyo Bat Yam. Burbur dheeri ah ayaa sidoo kale laga soo sheegay magaalooyinka Beersheba iyo Haifa, oo ah magaalooyinka ugu waaweyn koonfurta iyo waqooyiga Israel.

Hay’adda Canshuuraha Israel ayaa sheegtay in la gudbiyay in ka badan 46,000 oo codsi oo magdhow doon ah, kuwaasoo la xiriira khasaaraha soo gaaray guryaha, baabuurta, hantida, iyo qalabka. Sida laga soo xigtay The Times of Israel, qiyaastii 18,000 oo qof ayaa lagu qasbay inay ka barakacaan guryahooda, iyadoo intooda badan dib-u-dejin loogu sameeyay hoteello ay dowladda kharashkeeda bixinayso.

Inta badan muddadii 12-ka maalmood ee uu socday dagaalka, waxaa shaqada loo oggolaa oo kaliya shaqaalaha muhiimka ah, kaddib markii wasiirka difaaca, Israel Katz, uu ku soo rogay xaalad degdeg ah oo dalka oo dhan ah.

Khasaaraha dhaqaale wuxuu ahaa mid aad u weyn. Ururka Warshadleyda, oo ay soo xigatay majaladda Yedioth Ahronoth, ayaa ku qiyaasay in xirnaanshaha dhaqaalaha uu dalka ku kacayay qiyaastii 1.5 bilyan oo shekel maalintii ($450 milyan).

Goobo muhiim ah ayaa sidoo kale la beegsaday, oo ay ka mid yihiin Machadka Sayniska ee Weizmann (Weizmann Institute) oo ku yaal Rehovot, warshadihii sifaynta shidaalka ee Bazan (Bazan’s oil refineries) ee Haifa, iyo Isbitaalka Soroka (Soroka Hospital) ee Beersheba. Khasaaraha tooska ah ee goobahan oo kaliya soo gaaray ayaa lagu qiyaasay inuu ka badan yahay 3 bilyan oo shekel ($900 milyan).

Wargeyska TheMarker ayaa sheegay in burburka soo gaaray Machadka Weizmann uu ahaa mid aad u daran. “Qiyaasta hordhaca ah waxay khasaaraha tooska ah ee dhismayaasha iyo qalabka ku sheegaysaa 1.5 ilaa 2 bilyan oo shekel ($450 ilaa $600 milyan), laakiin khasaaraha muddada dheer ee dhinaca sayniska iyo dhaqaalaha ayaa intaas ka badan, oo qaarkood aan la qiyaasi karin,” ayaa lagu yiri warbixinta.

Khasaaraha la faafreebay

Hase yeeshee, ma aha dhammaan burburka soo gaaray Israel intii uu socday dagaalka mid la baahiyay. Faafreebaha militariga Israel ayaa hor istaagaya in la daabaco saameynta gantaallada Iiraan ay ku yeesheen kaabayaasha militariga.

Wargeyska The Telegraph ayaa toddobaadkan sheegay in “gantaallada Iiraan ay u muuqdaan inay si toos ah u waxyeeleeyeen shan xarumo militari oo Israel leedahay,” kuwaasoo ku yaalla waqooyiga, koonfurta iyo bartamaha Israel.

Warbaahinta Israel ee Walla ayaa Arbacadii sheegtay in xafiiska Netanyahu ee ku yaal saldhigga militariga ee Kirya ee Tel Aviv aan la isticmaali karin muddo gaaraysa afar bilood, sababo la xiriira dib-u-habeyn ballaaran oo lagu samaynayo. Xarunta Kirya, oo ah taliska dhexe ee militariga Israel, waxay hoy u tahay taliska ugu sarreeya ee ciidanka iyo xafiisyada muhiimka ah ee difaaca. Waxaa la faarujiyay kaddib markii gantaallo Iiraan ay ku dhufteen dhismaha bishii hore.

Toddobaadkii la soo dhaafay, saxafiga garabka bidix ee Raviv Drucker ayaa dhaleeceeyay faafreebka culus ee Israel ay saartay baaxadda dhabta ah ee weerarrada. “Qaar badan oo ka mid ah duqeymaha Iiraan lama soo tabin,” ayuu yiri, isagoo xusay in Iiraan ay ku guuleysatay inay beegsato saldhigyo militari oo dhowr ah iyo bartilmaameedyo istiraatiiji ah.

Sida uu sheegay Drucker, faafreebayaasha militariga ayaa hor istaagay in la shaaciyo goobaha gaarka ah ee la beegsaday, iyagoo ku andacoonaya inay taasi ka caawin karto Iiraan inay sii hagaajiso saxnaanta gantaallaheeda.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, wuxuu su’aal geliyay sababayntaasi, isagoo tilmaamay in ujeeddada dhabta ahi ay tahay in la maareeyo niyadda shacabka iyo in la xakameeyo sheekada la baahinayo. “Way adag tahay inaan laga shakin in sababta dhabta ahi ay asal ahaan tahay mid u eg tan Iiraan: borobagaando iyo dhowrista niyadda shacabka. Runtu waxay tahay, annagana waa nala cabsi geliyay,” ayuu yiri.

Ilo wareed ka tirsan wasaaradaha dowladda ayaa u sheegay The Times of Israel inuu ku qiyaasayo in kharashka militariga ee dagaalka uu gaarayo in ka badan 20 bilyan oo shekel ($5.6 bilyan). Tiradan ayaa la sheegay inay ku jiraan kharashka rasaasta, shidaalka diyaaradaha, howl-gelinta hababka difaaca ee Israel, iyo abaabulka ballaaran ee ciidamada keydka ee weerarrada lagu qaaday guud ahaan Iiraan.

Intaa waxaa dheer, wargeyska The Telegraph ayaa sheegay in Mareykanku uu riday ilaa 36 gantaal oo nooca THAAD ah si uu u taageero difaaca hawada ee Israel. Gantaal kasta waxaa lagu qiyaasaa inuu ku kacayo $12 milyan.

SSC-khaatumo oo soo saartay go’aanno culus oo saameynaya musharixiinta

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Laascaanood (Caasimada Online) – Wasaaradd Amniga Maamulka SSC-Khaatumo oo soo saartay bayaan culus ayaa ko dhowaaqday go’aanno ka kooban 4 qodob oo isla maantaba ka dhaqan-galaya gudaha magaalada Laascaanood ee xarunta gobolka Sool.

Go’aannadan oo kuwa xasaasi, ayna ku jiraan awaamiir culus oo ay dhaqan-gelin doonaan hay’adaha amniga ayaa looga gol-leeyahay hirgelinta shirka lagu dhameystirayo Dawlad-goboleedka SSC-Khaatuma.

Wasaaradda Amniga ayaa laga bilaabo maanta oo Khamiis ah Laacaanood ka mamnuucday in lau dhex qaato hubka culus iyo gaadiidka dagaalka, sababa la xiriira shirka la gelayo.

“Laga bilaabo maalita berri oo ay taariikhdu tahay 10/Jul/2025 waxaan reeban in gudaha caasimada lala dhexmaro nooc kasta oo hub ah ama gaadiid ciidan marka laga reebo laamaha amniga ee gudanayo waajibaadka shaqo ee loo xilsaaray” ayaa lagu yiri bayaanka.

Sidoo kale musharixiinta u taagan hoggaanka maamulkaas ayaa sidoo kale la faray in aysan hub iyo gaadiid lasoo geli karin magaalada, waxaana kaliya loo ogolaaday istaafyo kooban oo lasiin doono aqoonsi gooni ah oo lagu garto, sida lagu sheegay bayaanka.

“Musharrixiinta u taagan xilalka madaxtinimo ee ka tirsan goleyaasha dowladda iyo kuwa keleba waxay yeelan doonaan istaafyo cayiman oo la siiyo tacfriif u gaar ah oo lagu aqoonsan doono” ayaa mar kale lagu yiri go’aanka kasoo baxay SSC-Khaatumo,

Waxaa kale oo ciidamada Daraawiishta SSC-Khaatumo, iyaguna laga mamnuucay inay ay magaalada lasoo galaan gaadiid ciidan, si loo ilaaliyo xasilloonida magaalada.

Waxaa kale oo lasii raaciyay “Cid kasta oo ka hortimaada awaamiirtan iskuna deyda falal liddi ku ah xasilloonida iyo amniga guud waxaa laga qaadi tallaabo sharciga waafaqsan”.

Ugu dambeyn waxaa shacabka loogu baaqay inay qaataan kaalintooda, ayna la shaqeeyaan ciidamada ammaanka ee howsha adag ka haya magaalada caasimada ah ee Laascaanood.

Si kastaba, SSC-Khaatumo oo hadda u furmay dhabo cusub ayaa isku diyaarineyso maamul dhameystiran iyada oo Dalwadda Federaalka u magacowday guddi farsamo oo howshaas guda-gala kaas oo gaaray Laascaanood oo lagu wado inuu ka furmo shirka aayo ka tashiga.

Geeska Afrika oo qarka u saaran dagaal culus – Eritrea, Itoobiya iyo Soomaaliya?

Asmara (Caasimada Online) – Xiisadaha u dhexeeya Ethiopia iyo Eritrea ayaa sii xoogeystay sannadkan, waxaana sii huriyay khilaafyo goboleed iyo xasilooni darro ka taagan gobolka Tigray. Horumarradan ayaa kicinaya walaac laga qabo suurtagalnimada inuu dib u soo cusboonaado iska horimaad ka dhaca Geeska Afrika ee istaraatiijiga ah iyo gobolka Tigray, oo ah deegaan hodan ku ah dahabka, halkaas oo dagaal dhowaan ka dhacay uu galaaftay nolosha in ka badan 600,000 oo qof, isla markaana sababay barakac baahsan iyo burbur kaabayaasha dhaqaalaha ah.

Inkastoo aanu weli hirgelin dagaal hubaysan oo baaxad weyn, haddana isku-darka khilaafyo siyaasadeed oo salka ku haya gudaha Tigray iyo xiisado juquraafi-siyaasadeed oo ka taagan Geeska Afrika – oo ay ugu horreyso damaca Ethiopia ee ah inay hesho dekad iyo xuquuqda biyaha maadaama ay tahay waddan aan bad lahayn – ayaa kordhinaya halista rabshado hor leh iyo xasilooni darro gobolka ka dhacda.

Isbahaysiyo isbeddelaya oo ka jira Geeska Afrika

Suurtagalnimada inuu dib u qarxo iska horimaad u dhexeeya Addis Ababa iyo Asmara waxay si weyn ugu xirnaan doontaa sida ay labada dowladood u kala fasirtaan halista iyo faa’iidooyinka ka dhalan kara xiisadda sii kordheysa, iyadoo la eegayo xaaladda gobolka ee isbeddelaysa. Xudunta xaaladda hadda taagan ayaa ah hamiga Ethiopia – oo leh dad ka badan 128 milyan, taasoo ka dhigaysa waddanka ugu dadka badan caalamka ee aan bad lahayn – si ay dib ugu hesho marinka Badda Cas, kaasoo ay weyday 1993-kii kaddib gooni-isu-taaggii Eritrea. Hamigan, oo ay dabada ka riixayaan dano dhaqaale iyo kuwa juquraafi-siyaasadeed, ayaa Asmara u aragtaa mid khatar ku ah madaxbannaanida Eritrea iyo xasilloonida gobolka.

Damaca Ethiopia wuxuu ka muuqdaa “Istaraatiijiyadda Weyn ee Labada Biyood,” oo ah siyaasad qaran oo dhigaysa in Webiga Abay (oo qayb ka ah Niilka Buluugga ah) iyo Badda Cas ay yihiin deegaanno muhiim u ah horumarka dalka. Iyadoo Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Ahmed Ali uu daba socdo hadafyadan, Ethiopia waxay wajahaysaa cadaawad sii kordheysa oo kaga imaanaysa Masar oo ay muddo dheer xafiiltamayeen, iyo laba dal oo deris la ah oo ku yaal Geeska Afrika, kuwaasoo ah Eritrea iyo Soomaaliya.

Sannadkii 2024, Ethiopia iyo Somaliland waxay kala saxiixdeen Heshiis Isfaham (Memorandum of Understanding) kaasoo dhigayay in Addis Ababa ay aqoonsan doonto sheegashada madaxbannaanida Somaliland, taas beddelkeedana ay hesho marin ay ku aaddo Badda Cas. Sida la filan karayay, tallaabadan waxay ka careysiisay Soomaaliay. Masar waxay la safatay Muqdisho, taasoo ka tarjumaysa xiriir diblomaasiyadeed oo toban sano xumaa oo kala dhexeeyay Ethiopia kaasoo salka ku hayay biyo-xireenka Weyn ee Ethiopia (Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam), oo ay Qaahira weli u aragto khatar ku ah nolosheeda biyaha.

Bishii Oktoobar 2024, Madaxweynaha Eritrea, Isaias Afwerki, wuxuu martigeliyay shir saddex-geesood ah oo dhex maray Eritrea, Soomaaliya iyo Masar. Cadaadiska diblomaasiyadeed wuu shaqeeyay, wuxuuna horseeday Baaqii Ankara (Ankara Declaration), kaasoo ay Ethiopia ku ballanqaadday inay ixtiraami doonto midnimada dhuleed ee Soomaaliya.

Ethiopia waxay si weyn ugu tiirsan tahay dalka yar ee xeebta ku yaal ee Djibouti, oo dekeddeedu ay ka shaqeyso in ka badan 90 boqolkiiba ganacsiga Ethiopia, iyadoo ah marinka ugu weyn ee dhoofinta iyo soo dejinta badeecadaha ee gobolka. Ku-tiirsanaantan ayaa sii qoto dheeraatay kaddib horumarinta kaabayaasha, oo ay ku jiraan xarumo dekeddeed, dhuun shidaal, iyo Waddada isku xirta Addis-Ababa iyo Djibouti – waddooyin iyo jidad tareen oo cusub oo caasimadda Ethiopia ku xiraya dekedda Djibouti.

Hamiga Ethiopia wuxuu sii wadaa inuu xiisado ka dhex abuuro dhowr dal, oo ay ku jirto Eritrea, taasoo ka cabsi qabta in deriskeedu uu aakhirka isku dayi doono inuu dib ula wareego Dekedda Casab (Port of Assab) ee ku taal xeebta Badda Cas.

Sababaha hoose iyo macnaha guud

Si loo fahmo isbeddellada waaweyn ee ku yimid awoodda gudaha ee Ethiopia sannadihii la soo dhaafay iyo sababta ay xasilooni darradeedu mowjado uga dhex abuurto Geeska Afrika, waxaa muhiim ah in la fahmo caqabadaha gudaha ee dalka iyo in dib loo eego xilligii isbeddelka ee 2018.

Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Ahmed ayaa xukunka la wareegay sannadkaas. Tani waxay calaamad u ahayd marxalad muhiim ah oo muujinaysa hoos u dhaca awooddii Jabhadda Xoreynta Dadka Tigray (TPLF), oo muddo dheer gacanta ku haysay isbahaysigii talada hayay ee Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). TPLF waxay xiriir la lahayd dhaqdhaqaaqyadii xoreynta Eritrea, laakiin waxay markii hore u aasaasantay sidii dhaqdhaqaaq jabhadeed oo ka dhisnaa gobolka Tigray ee Ethiopia, iyadoo ujeeddadeedu ahayd inay u xaqiijiso is-maamul dadka Tigrayga ah gudaheeda Ethiopia.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, nabaad-guurka awooddii TPLF wuxuu dhab ahaan billowday 2012-kii geeridii kediska ahayd ee Ra’iisul Wasaare Meles Zenawi, oo ahaa hoggaamiyihii siyaasadeed ee muddada dheer soo maamulayay Ethiopia. TPLF waxay awooddeeda sii adkaysatay kaddib markii la riday taliskii Derg sannadkii 1991. Hase yeeshee, hoggaankeeda waxaa si isa soo taraysa ugu arkayay kooxaha kale ee gobollada, gaar ahaan Amxaarada iyo Oromada (oo ah labada qowmiyadood ee ugu waaweyn Ethiopia), mid takoorid iyo faquuqid ku dhisan. Aragtidan ayaa sii hurisay caro sii kordheysa iyo dalabyo ku aaddan isbeddel siyaasadeed.

Xaqiiqooyin iyo tirokoob

Waa ayo Tigraygu?

Tigraygu waxay ka soo jeedaan dad Semitic ah oo is dhexgalen dadkii Cushitic-ka ahaa ee deegaanka degganaa, waxayna aasaaseen boqortooyadii Masiixiga ahayd ee Aksum, oo caasimaddeedu ahayd gobolka taariikhiga ah ee Tigray ee waqooyiga Ethiopia. Tigraygu waa dad beeraley ah oo leh luuqad u gaar ah, waxayna u badan yihiin Masiixiyiin Ortodoks ah. Horraantii qarnigii 21-aad, Tigraygu waxay ahaayeen ku dhawaad kala bar dadka Eritrea iyo in ka yar toban meelood meel dadka Ethiopia.

Markii uu xafiiska la wareegay, Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Ahmed wuxuu kala diray EPRDF wuxuuna aasaasay Xisbiga Barwaaqo si uu u beddelo. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, TPLF way diidday inay ku biirto xisbiga cusub, iyadoo u aragtay aasaaskiisa mid khatar ku ah nidaamka federaalka ee Ethiopia, gaar ahaan, heerka iyo madaxbannaanida siyaasadeed ee laga tirada badan yahay ee Tigrayga. In kasta oo aan loo arki karin Tigrayga inay yihiin hay’ad siyaasadeed oo isku mid ah, haddana isku-dhafka gaarka ah ee gobolka ee aqoonsiga qowmiyadeed ee xooggan, dhaqanka hoggaanka siyaasadeed ee isku xiran, iyo khibradda milateri (oo ay qaabeeyeen tobanaan sano oo dagaal ah), ayaa siinaya awood weyn oo ay ku yeeshaan saameyn gudaha iyo gobolkaba.

Tigray waxay xuduud gudaha ah la wadaagtaa laba ka mid ah sagaalka dowlad-goboleed ee Ethiopia, Amxaarada iyo Cafarta, waxayna ku taal waddooyin muhiim ah oo dhoofinta u mara Badda Cas. Caalam ahaan, waxay xuduud la leedahay Eritrea iyo Sudan. Sannadkii 2018, dowladda federaalka, oo uu hoggaaminayo Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Ahmed, waxay heshiis nabadeed la saxiixatay Eritrea. Horumarkan taariikhiga ah waxaa ku jiray tanaasul muhiim ah: in Ethiopia ay si rasmi ah u aqoonsato madaxbannaanida Eritrea ee magaalada Badme, oo ku taal Tigray, aheydna meeshii uu ka dhashay dagaalkii 1998-2000 ee Ethiopia iyo Eritrea.

TPLF waxay go’aankan u aragtay mid aan ahayn tallaabo nabadeed, balse ah tanaasul hal dhinac ah oo siyaasadaysan oo wiiqaya midnimada gobolka iyo danaha Tigrayga, taasoo sii qoto dheeraysay kalsooni darrada u dhaxaysa dowladda federaalka iyo hoggaanka Tigrayga, isla markaana gogol-xaar u noqotay iskahorimaad cusub. In kasta oo ay jirtay is-soo-dhowaansho taariikhi ah oo dhex martay Addis Ababa iyo Asmara, taasoo Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Ahmed ku mutaystay abaalmarinta Nabadda ee Nobel sannadkii 2019, haddana colaadda u dhaxaysa Eritrea iyo TPLF ayaa sii korodhay heshiiska nabadeed kaddib.

Sannadkii 2020, TPLF waxay doorashooyin goboleed ku qabatay Tigray, iyadoo si furan uga horyimid amarkii dowladda federaalka ee ahaa in doorashooyinka dib loo dhigo cudurka faafa awgiis. Ra’iisul Wasaaruhu wuxuu doorashooyinkaas ku tilmaamay “doorashooyin sharci darro ah” oo aan sal sharci ah lahayn. Xiisaduhu waxay sii murgadeen bishii Nofeembar markii, kaddib weerar ay TPLF ku qaadday Taliska Waqooyi ee Ciidanka Difaaca Qaranka Ethiopia, ay dowladda federaalku bilowday hawlgal milateri oo ay ku magacowday “sharci iyo kala dambeyn.”

Cadowgii oo saaxiib loo rogay

Dagaalkii Tigray wuxuu ahaa sabab iyo natiijo ka dhalatay isbeddello muhiim ah oo ku yimid isbahaysiyada gudaha iyo kuwa gobolka. Eritrea, oo taariikh ahaan ahayd cadowga Ethiopia, gaar ahaan tan iyo markii ay xornimada qaadatay 1993-kii, ayaa si lama filaan ah ula bahowday dowladda federaalka, iyadoo ka qayb qaadatay hawlgallada milateri ee ka dhanka ahaa TPLF. Ciidamada Eritrea ayaa markii dambe lagu eedeeyay inay geysteen dembiyo ka dhan ah dadka rayidka ah. Dhanka kale, TPLF oo mar ahayd awoodda ugu weyn ee xudunta u ahayd siyaasadda Ethiopia, ayaa isku aragtay dagaal furan oo aan kaliya la gelin ciidamada federaalka, laakiin sidoo kale la gashay ciidanka gobolka Amxaarada, maleeshiyooyin deegaanka ah iyo ciidamada Eritrea.

Dagaalku wuxuu ku dhammaaday Heshiiskii Pretoria (Pretoria Agreement) ee 2022, kaasoo dhigayay in la hub ka dhigo TPLF iyo in ciidamada shisheeye ay ka baxaan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, heshiisku wuxuu iska indha tiray baaxadda doorka ay ciidamada Eritrea ku lahaayeen colaadda. In kasta oo si rasmi ah xaaladda loo dejiyay, haddana waxaa jira xiisado badan oo dhulka ka taagan.

Ciidamada Eritrea weli waxay ku sugan yihiin Tigray, taliska Eritreana wuxuu xiriir la leeyahay fallaagada Amxaarada, gaar ahaan maleeshiyada Fano. Waxaa intaas dheer, in kasta oo ciidamada Amxaaradu ay la safteen ciidanka federaalka ee Tigray, haddana waxay ka horyimaadeen dowladda federaalka kaddib go’aankii 2023-kii ee ahaa in la kala diro ciidamada gaarka ah ee gobollada, taasoo qayb ka ahayd dib-u-habeyn lagu samaynayay amniga qaranka.

Dhanka TPLF, in kasta oo liiska argagixisada laga saaray kaddib Heshiiskii Pretoria, haddana weli lagama mid dhigin matalaadda baarlamaanka Ethiopia. Xaaladdii dagaalka kaddib waxay horseedday kala qaybsanaan gudaha TPLF ah, oo hadda u kala jabtay kuwa saxiixay heshiisyadii nabadeed ee 2022 ee taageersan dib-u-heshiisiinta dowladda federaalka, iyo kuwa ka fikiraya isbahaysi, xitaa haddii aanu toos ahayn, oo ay la yeeshaan Eritrea, si ay uga soo horjeestaan taliska Abiy Ahmed.

TPLF oo u kala jabtay laba garab oo aan heshiin karin, ayaa xaalad adag ku jirta. Guddiga Doorashooyinka Qaranka ayaa dhowaan ka mamnuucay TPLF inay ka qaybgasho siyaasadda, isagoo cuskanaya awood-darrada xisbiga ee ah inuu qabsado shirweyne guud. Waxaa muhiim ah in la ogaado in marka laga soo tago khilaafaadka qowmiyadeed iyo kuwa siyaasadeed ee muddada dheer soo jiray, tartanka loogu jiro gacan ku haynta Tigray ay sidoo kale sii kordhinayaan goobta istaraatiijiga ah ee uu ku yaal iyo keydka dahabka ee weyn ee halkaas ku jira.

Sawirka xaaladaha mustaqbalka

Xaaladda ugu dhow: Xasilooni darro iyo dagaal wakiilnimo ah oo ka horreeya doorashooyinka Ethiopia ee 2026

Xaaladda ugu macquulsan waa xilli nabadeed oo jilicsan oo ay ku xigto dagaal wakiilnimo ah oo dhex mara Ethiopia iyo Eritrea oo ka dhaca gobolka Tigray. Natiijadan ayaa sii kordheysa suurtagalnimadeeda sababo la xiriira isku-darka xiisadaha gudaha iyo kuwa gobolka. Hoggaanka TPLF waa kala qaybsan yahay, heshiiska nabadeed weli si qayb ah ayaa loo fuliyay, qaybo ka mid ah dhulka Tigrayna weli waxaa gacanta ku haya ciidamada Eritrea.

Intaa waxaa dheer, waxaa jira halis ah in colaaddu ay ku faafto gobolka oo dhan. Taliska Eritrea ayaa la sheegay inuu taageero dhaqdhaqaaqyada fallaagada ee gobolka Amxaarada, halka dowladda Ethiopia ay wajahayso eedeymo ah inay taageerto kooxaha mucaaradka Eritrea sida Kacaanka Buluugga ah (Blue Revolution), kuwaas oo inta badan ku kooban qurba-joogta sababo la xiriira deegaanka siyaasadeed ee caburinta ah ee dalkaas ka jira.

Xasilooni darro dheeraad ah ayaa la filayaa inta lagu guda jiro u diyaar garowga doorashooyinka guud ee Ethiopia ee 2026, maadaama Ethiopia ay weli u kala qaybsan tahay laba aragtiyood oo siyaasadeed oo iska soo horjeeda: federaalka qowmiyadaha ku dhisan ee qeexayay tobannaankii sano ee la soo dhaafay, iyo qaabka dhexe, waddaniga ah, iyo shacbiyadda ku dhisan ee uu hormuudka ka yahay Ra’iisul Wasaare Abiy Ahmed.

Xaaladda aan aadka u dhoweyn: Dhexdhexaadin caalami ah oo Ethiopia siisa marin badeed

Xaaladda labaad, inkastoo ay yar tahay suurtagalnimadeedu, waxay ku lug leedahay dhexdhexaadin caalami ah oo guuleysata. Ethiopia, oo ku biirtay BRICS sannadkii 2024, waxay xiriir dhow la leedahay Beijing iyo Ankara, laba dal oo maalgashi weyn ku leh gobolka, dan weynna u leh inay ka fogaadaan xasilooni darro ka dhacda Geeska Afrika. Cadaadis diblomaasiyadeed oo ka yimaada dhinacyo saameyn leh oo ay labada dhinacba ixtiraamaan, sida Shiinaha ama Turkiga, ayaa gacan ka geysan kara in la gogol-xaaro xal wada-xaajood lagu gaaro.

Natiijada noocan oo kale ah, Ethiopia waxaa laga yaabaa inay hesho marin badeed iyadoon si toos ah u loollamin madaxbannaanida dalalka deriska la ah. In kasta oo dhexdhexaadinta dibadda ay door muhiim ah ka ciyaari karto ka hortagga iskahorimaad cusub oo dhex mara Asmara iyo Addis Ababa, haddana aad ayay u adkaan lahayd in la xakameeyo qalalaasaha gudaha ee ay hurinayaan xiisadaha qowmiyadeed-siyaasadeed ee ka jira Tigray iyo Oromia. Khadadkan kala qaybsanaanta gudaha ah ayaa laga yaabaa inay sii wadaan inay horseedaan xasilooni darro, xitaa haddii aanu jirin iskahorimaad hubaysan oo gobolka ah. 

Soomaaliya oo guul ka gaartay dalalka Afrika, billadna la guddoonsiiyay + Sawirro

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London (Caasimada Online) – Dawladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa mar kale soo hoysay guul wayn oo lagu siiyay billad muhiim ah, kadib munaasabad ka dhacday magaalada London ee caasimada dalka Ingiriiska.

Billada ayaa waxaa la siiyay Wasiirka Maaliyadda Xukuumadd Soomaaliya Mudane Biixi Iimaan Cige oo ku guuleystay Wasiirka Maaliyadda Afrika ugu wanaagsan sanadkan 2025.

“Wasiirka Maaliyadda Xukumadda Federal ka Soomaaliya Mudane Biixi Imaan Cige ayaa lagu maanta la guddoonsiiyay billadda 𝐖𝐚𝐬𝐢𝐢𝐫𝐤𝐚 𝐌𝐚𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐲𝐚𝐝𝐝𝐚 𝐀𝐟𝐫𝐢𝐤𝐚 𝐮𝐠𝐮 𝐰𝐚𝐧𝐚𝐚𝐠𝐬𝐚𝐧 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟓-𝐤𝐚 kadib xaflad ka dhacday maanta London” ayaa lau yiri qoraal kasoo baxay Dawladda.

Sida lagu sheegay warsaxaafadeedkaa abaalmarintan ayaa loogu aqoonsaday Wasiir Biixi muddadii labada sanno ahayd ee uu joogay Wasaaradda, isaga oo ku hoggaamiyay hannaan hufan iyo dadaalka uu geliyay dib-u-habeynta maaliyadda dalka, gaar ahaan guushii dayn cafinta ee la gaaray 2023-kii.

Sidoo kale waxaa lagu qiimeeyay casriyeynta uu ku sameeyay hannaanka dakhliga oo sahlay in Dakhliga gudahu koboc sameeyo, Qorshihii deyn cafinta kadib, doorka hogaamineed ee uu ka qaatay dedaalada dib-u-hababaynta hay’adaha Maaliyadda ee Caalamiga oo Dowladda Soomaaliya u horseeday in ay ka baaqsato Daymo cusub, heshana maalgalin deeq ku dhisan.

Is bedelkan Soomaaliya hormuudka ka hayd ayaa dalal kale u horseeday in ay maraan dhabbaha Soomaaliya ay jeexday helaanna macaamilaad maaliyadeed oo deeq ku dhisan.

Wasiirka Maaliyadda Biixi Imaan Cige oo madasha khudbad ka jeediyay ayaa sheegay in guusha saxda ah iyo abaalmarintaba ay mutaysteen shacabka Soomaaliyeed oo ah laf-dhabarka horumarinta dhaqaalaha iyo soo kabashada dalka, halkaasna uu kasii wadi doono.

Waxaa kale oo uu ku amaanay ganacsatada Soomaaliyeed habka ay ugu dhiiran yihiin dib-u-dhiska dalka iyada oo ay jiraan caqabado badan oo haysta.

Soomaaliya ayaa haatan sameyneysa isbeddallo waaway, iyada oo wacdaro ka dhigeysa fagaareyaasha caalamka, marka loo eego diblumaasiyadda cusub iyo dadaalka ay la timid.

Trump oo qaaday tallaabo ka dhan ah Brazil – Dagaalka isaga iyo Lula oo xoogeystay

Washington (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweyne Donald Trump ayaa Arbacadii sheegay inuu qorsheynayo inuu cashuur 50 boqolkiiba ah ku soo rogo dhammaan badeecadaha laga keeno dalka Brazil, tallaabadaas oo qayb ka ah aargudasho ka dhan ah waxa uu ku tilmaamay “ugaarsi siyaasadeed” oo lagu hayo xulafadiisa siyaasadeed, madaxweynihii hore ee dalkaas Jair Bolsonaro, kaas oo wajaha maxkamadayn la xiriirta isku day afgambi.

Warqad uu u diray Madaxweynaha Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, ayuu Mr. Trump ku qoray in cashuuraha cusub ay dhaqan geli doonaan 1-da Agoosto. “Qaabka ay Brazil ula dhaqantay Madaxweynihii hore ee Bolsonaro, oo ahaa hoggaamiye si weyn looga qadariyo dunida oo dhan xilligii uu xilka hayay, oo ay ku jirto dowladda Mareykanka, waa ceeb caalami ah.”

Dadaalka Mr. Trump ee ah inuu cashuuraha u adeegsado si uu u fara geliyo dacwad dembiyeed ka socota waddan shisheeye ayaa tusaale aan caadi ahayn u ah sida uu cashuuraha ugu arko inay yihiin ul wax kasta lagu xallin karo.

Warqaddiisa, Mr. Trump wuxuu ku sheegay in cashuurta 50-ka boqolkiiba ah ay lagama maarmaan u tahay “si loo helo sinnaan dhinaca ganacsiga ah oo ay qasab tahay inaan idinkala yeelano dalkiina” iyo “si loo saxo caddaalad-darrada ba’an ee ka dhalatay nidaamka hadda jira.”

Mr. Trump wuxuu sidoo kale si khaldan u sheegay in Mareykanku uu lahaa hoos u dhac ganacsi oo kala dhexeeya Brazil. Sannado badan, Mareykanku wuxuu guud ahaan lahaa dheeraad ganacsi oo uu la wadaago Brazil, oo ay ku jirto dheeraad dhan $650 milyan saddexdii bilood ee ugu horreysay sanadka 2025, taasoo ka dhalatay ganacsi $20 bilyan ah oo u dhexeeyay labada dal, sida ay sheegtay Rugta Ganacsiga Mareykanka ee Brazil (American Chamber of Commerce for Brazil).

Mr. Trump wuxuu qoray in cashuuruhu ay sidoo kale jawaab u yihiin “amarro faafreeb ah oo qarsoodi ah oo sharci-darro ah oo lagu soo rogay baraha bulshada ee Mareykanka” iyo inuu ku amray saraakiisha Mareykanka inay furaan baaritaan ganacsi oo ka dhan ah Brazil “weerarrada joogtada ah ee lagu hayo hawlaha ganacsiga dhijitaalka ah ee shirkadaha Mareykanka.”

Garsoore Alexandre de Moraes, oo ah garsooraha Maxkamadda Sare ee Brazil ee gacanta ku haya kiiska ka dhanka ah Mr. Bolsonaro, ayaa ku amray shirkadaha teknolojiyadda inay xiraan boqollaal akoon oo uu sheegay inay khatar ku yihiin dimoqraadiyadda Brazil. Tallaabooyinkiisa ayaa ka dhigay bartilmaameedka koowaad ee garabka midig ee Brazil iyo Mareykanka.

Isniintii, Mr. Trump wuxuu si fagaare ah u dhaleeceeyay dacwadda dembiyeed ee ka dhanka ah Mr. Bolsonaro, taasoo diiradda saareysa isku dayadii madaxweynihii hore ee ahaa inuu awoodda sii xajisto ka dib markii uu ku guuldarreystay doorashadii Brazil ee 2022-kii.

Madaxweyne Lula ayaa si degdeg ah uga jawaabay. “Waxaan u maleynayaa inay tahay wax aad u qaldan oo mas’uuliyad-darro ah in madaxweyne uu kuwa kale ugu hanjabo baraha bulshada,” ayuu madaxweynaha Brazil u sheegay saxafiyiinta Isniintii. “Dadku waa inay bartaan in ixtiraamku yahay wax wanaagsan.”

Isagoo ka hadlaya Mr. Trump, wuxuu intaas ku daray: “Wuxuu u baahan yahay inuu ogaado in adduunku is beddelay. Ma doonayno boqor.”

Maxkamadda Sare ee Brazil ayaa si weyn loo filayaa inay dembi ku hesho Mr. Bolsonaro dabayaaqada sanadkan, taasoo suurtagal ah inay keento xabsi.

Bishii Janaayo, Mr. Bolsonaro wuxuu u sheegay wargayska The New York Times inuu rajeynayo in Mr. Trump uu u soo gurman doono, inkastoo uusan faahfaahin sida. Tan iyo markaas, shirkadda warbaahinta ee Mr. Trump ayaa dacweysay Garsoore Moraes, iyadoo ku eedeysay inuu faafreeb ku sameeyay codadka garabka midig.

Laakiin toddobaadkan waxay ahayd markii ugu horreysay ee Mr. Trump uu si fagaare ah oo xooggan u dhaleeceeyo kiiska ka dhanka ah Mr. Bolsonaro, isagoo is-barbardhig ku sameynaya eedeymaha dembiyada ee isaga laftiisa lagu soo oogay ee ka dhashay isku daygiisii ahaa inuu awoodda sii haysto ka dib markii uu ku guuldarreystay doorashadii 2020. “Aniga tan oo kale 10 jeer ayay igu dhacday,” ayuu Mr. Trump qoray Isniintii. “Waxaan si dhow ula socon doonaa ugaarsiga siyaasadeed ee lagu hayo Jair Bolsonaro, qoyskiisa, iyo kumanaanka taageerayaashiisa.”

Wuxuu intaas ku daray in Mr. Bolsonaro loo oggolaado inuu u tartamo doorashada madaxtinimo ee Brazil sanadka soo socda. Maxkamadda doorashada ee Brazil ayaa go’aamisay inuusan u qalmin inuu tartamo sababo la xiriira dhaleeceynta uu u jeediyay nidaamyada doorashada ee Brazil.

Sannado badan, Mr. Bolsonaro wuxuu weerarayay kalsoonida lagu qabo mashiinada codbixinta ee Brazil, isagoo sheegayay in haddii uu doorasho ku guuldarreysto ay sababtu noqon doonto musuqmaasuq ka yimid dhanka bidixda. Wuxuu inta badan farta ku fiiqayay waxyaabo aan caadi ahayn oo ay cilmi-baarayaasha amnigu xaqiijiyeen inaysan ahayn wax-is-daba-marin.

Ka dib markii uu ku guuldarreystay doorashadii 2022, Mr. Bolsonaro wuxuu shaki geliyay natiijooyinka – inkastoo dib u eegis ay sameeyeen militariga Brazil ay taageertay – wuxuuna ka dhex raadiyay dastuurka Brazil siyaabo uu uga hortago in Mr. Lula xafiiska la wareego. Arrintaas waxaa ka mid ahaa inuu la kulmay taliyeyaasha militariga si ay ugala hadlaan la wareegidda gacan ku haynta dowladda, taasoo ay intooda badan diideen.

Kaddib markii ay ku qanceen in doorashada la xaday, kumanaan ka mid ah taageerayaasha Bolsonaro ayaa weeraray xarumaha awoodda ee Brazil toddobaad ka dib markii uu Lula xafiiska la wareegay, iyagoo ugu baaqay militariga inay soo fara geliyaan.

Booliska Federaalka iyo xeer-ilaaliyeyaasha ayaa ku dooday in ficillada Mr. Bolsonaro ay yihiin dembiyo heer federaal ah, dhowrkii bilood ee la soo dhaafayna, madaxweynihii hore iyo dhowr ka mid ah xulafadiisa ayaa marqaati ka furay Maxkamadda Sare ee Brazil. Go’aan ayaa la filayaa sanadkan.

Booliska Federaalka ayaa sidoo kale ku eedeeyay Mr. Bolsonaro inuu ka warqabay shirqool lagu dili lahaa Mr. Lula iyo garsoore ka tirsan Maxkamadda Sare ee Brazil. Mr. Bolsonaro wuu beeniyay eedeymahaas.

Arbacadii, Safaaradda Mareykanka ee Brazil ayaa ku biirtay dhaleeceynta loo jeedinayo kiiska ka dhanka ah Mr. Bolsonaro.

“Jair Bolsonaro iyo qoyskiisu waxay ahaayeen saaxiibo adag oo Mareykanku leeyahay. Cadaadiska siyaasadeed ee lagu hayo iyaga, iyo taageerayaashooda, waa ceeb, waxayna hoos u dhac ku tahay sharafta dhaqamada dimoqraadiga ah ee Brazil,” ayaa lagu yiri bayaan ka soo baxay safaaradda. “Bayaanka madaxweynuhu wuu cad yahay, farriintiisana waan ku celinaynaa. Si dhow ayaan ula socon doonnaa.”

Iyadoo taas ka jawaabaysa, Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda ee Brazil waxay u yeertay diblomaasiga ugu sarreeya ee Mareykanka ee jooga Brazil si ay kulan ula yeelato.

Xog: DF oo fulisay qodob ka mid ah codsiyadii Axmed Madoobe u soo diray – 3 kale ayaa dhiman

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa maanta ka jawaabtay qeyb ka mid ah codsigii Madaxweynaha Jubbaland, Axmed Madoobe, uu u soo dhiibay Madasha Samatabixinta, kuwaas oo uu la wadaagay Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh maalmo ka hor, markii uu ku casuumay Villa Somalia.

Afar qodob oo uu Axmed Madoobe u soo dhiibay mucaaradka ayaa ugu horreeyay codsiga Jubbaland ee ahaa in laga qaado xayiraaddii duullimaadyada. Dowladda federaalka ayaa maanta si buuxda uga jawaabtay arrintaas, iyadoo fasaxday dhammaan diyaaradihii ka xayirnaa degmooyinka Jubbaland.

Qodobka labaad: Axmed Madoobe ayaa mucaaradka ka codsaday inay Xasan Sheekh ka dhaadhiciyaan inuu meesha ka saaro waaranka Muqdisho ka yaalla ee ah amar soo qabasho oo ay Maxkamadda Gobolka Banaadir soo saartay.

Qodobka saddexaad: Madaxweynaha Jubbaland, oo si adag uga cabtay cunaqabateynta ay dowladda federaalka saartay maamulkiisa, ayaa mucaaradka ka dalbaday inay ku dadaalaan in dowladda federaalka ay fasaxdo dhaqaalihii ay ka xayirtay Jubbaland. Waxaa jira kab miisaaniyadeed oo dowladda federaalka siiso dowlad-goboleedyada dalka, kaas oo laga joojiyay Jubbaland tan iyo markii khilaafka uu bilowday.

Qodobka afraad: Axmed Madoobe ayaa mucaaradka u caddeeyay inuu diyaar u yahay inuu yimaado Muqdisho kana qayb galo shirarka looga hadlayo aayaha iyo masiirka umadda Soomaaliyeed, balse uu dalbanayo damaanad amni oo isaga iyo dowladda federaalka kala badbaadin karta inta laga gaarayo heshiis buuxa.

Mucaaradka ayaa dhammaan dalabaadka Axmed Madoobe la wadaagay Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh, sida ay Caasimada Online u xaqiijiyeen ilo-wareedyo ku dhow Madasha.

Xasan Sheekh oo ka gaabsaday inuu si toos ah uga jawaabo codsiyada Axmed Madoobe ayaa la sheegay inuu weydiiyay hal su’aal oo ahayd: “Axmed ma oggol yahay inuu ka laabto is-doorashadiisii?” Taasi oo mucaaradkuna ay ka waayeen jawaab.

Afhayeenka Madasha Samatabixinta, Daahir Geelle, ayaa horay u sheegay in dowladda federaalka ay diidday inay ka jawaabto dalabaadkii uu u soo dhiibay Axmed Madoobe, isla markaana looga hadli doono kulamada dambe si xal looga gaaro khilaafka u dhexeeya dowladda federaalka iyo Jubbaland.

Sawirro: Mareykanka oo DF ku wareejiyay gaadiid cusub

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Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Mareykanka ayaa maanta gaadiid cusub ku wareejisay Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya, gaar ahaan Taliska Booliska Soomaaliyeed.

Taliyaha Ciidanka Booliska Soomaaliyeed, Sarreeye Guuto Asad Cismaan Cabdullaahi ayaa gaadiidkan kala wareegay Safiir ku-xigeenka Safaaradda Mareykanka, Mr. Steven Gillen, kaasi oo ay Soomaaliya ugu talagashay Dowladda Mareykanka, gaar ahaan waaxdeeda la-dagaallanka argagixisada.

Gaadiidkan ayaa loogu talagalay in lagu xoojiyo awoodda Ciidanka Booliska Soomaaliyeed, gaar ahaan qeybaha u xilsaaran la-dagaallanka argagixisada ee hoos taga taliska booliska.

Munaasabad kooban oo lagu qabtay magaalada Muqdisho ayaa lagu wareejiyay gaadiidkan, iyadoo Taliyaha Booliska uu halkaas uga mahadceliyay Dowladda Mareykanka taageerada ay siiso Soomaaliya, gaar ahaan dhinacyada amniga iyo tababarka ciidamada.

Taliyaha ayaa sidoo kale tilmaamay in gaadiidkan ay si toos ah uga faa’iideysan doonaan ciidamada gaarka ah ee booliska ee ka shaqeeya la-dagaallanka argagixisada, kuwaas oo horumarin ballaaran lagu sameeyay sanadihii u dambeeyay.

Dowladda Mareykanka ayaa ballan-qaaday inay sii wadi doonto taageerada ay siiyaan ciidamada xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed oo dagaal adag kula jiro kooxda Al-Shabaab .

Somalia-Ethiopia talks over sea access dispute collapse

ANKARA, Turkey – A year-long diplomatic effort by Turkey to mediate a bitter dispute between Somalia and Ethiopia has stalled, diplomats said, after talks collapsed over Addis Ababa’s controversial bid to secure sea access via the breakaway region of Somaliland, heightening tensions in the volatile Horn of Africa.

The mediation, which began in February 2024, aimed to resolve a crisis sparked by a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed on January 1, 2024. The deal would grant landlocked Ethiopia a 20-kilometer (12-mile) stretch of coastline in Somaliland for a naval base and commercial port in exchange for potential diplomatic recognition of the self-declared republic.

Somalia, which considers Somaliland part of its sovereign territory, vehemently rejected the agreement as a “blatant aggression” and a violation of international law, launching a robust diplomatic campaign to isolate Ethiopia and nullify the deal.

According to two officials familiar with the negotiations, who spoke on condition of anonymity, no meetings have been held since April following the breakdown of technical talks.

The collapse of dialogue

Ankara’s intervention, leveraging its strong ties with both nations, initially showed promise. After three rounds of talks, the parties signed the “Ankara Communiqué” on December 11, 2024. In the declaration, both sides agreed to engage in technical-level dialogue. They affirmed their “respect and commitment to one another’s sovereignty, unity, independence and territorial integrity.”

However, subsequent expert-level meetings held from February 2 to 4, 2025, reached an impasse. Sources indicate the talks faltered over the fundamental sequencing of the core issues: Ethiopia’s demand for sea access and Somalia’s insistence that the MoU with Somaliland be formally abandoned first.

The stalemate was underscored by a defiant statement from Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to his parliament on July 3, 2025, in which he reiterated that securing a port was an “existential issue” for his country, which has a population of 120 million people. In response, Somalia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs branded the port deal a “destabilizing land grab” and urged the United Nations Security Council to intervene.

Regional powers drawn in

The diplomatic vacuum has attracted other regional powers, threatening to turn the dispute into a wider geopolitical contest.

In a significant move this week, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi hosted his Somali counterpart, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, and pledged increased military assistance to help secure Red Sea shipping lanes. Analysts view Cairo’s move as a strategic counterbalance to Ethiopia’s regional ambitions, particularly over Nile water resources.

Meanwhile, Somaliland’s President Muse Bihi Abdi has remained resolute, insisting he will implement the MoU. In October, he accused Mogadishu of forming an “alliance” with Egypt and Eritrea to thwart his region’s economic aspirations.

The stalled talks place Turkey in a delicate position. Ankara is a key strategic partner to Somalia, operating a significant military base and training facility, Camp TURKSOM, in Mogadishu. At the same time, Turkey has supplied Ethiopia with its acclaimed Bayraktar drones.

“All parties must respect internationally recognized borders,” Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan stated as the talks commenced last year, signaling Ankara’s attempt at neutrality. However, the failure of its mediation highlights the shifting and complex alliances shaping the Horn of Africa.

A precarious stalemate

Somaliland has operated as a de facto independent state since declaring autonomy from Somalia in 1991 following a brutal civil war. While it has maintained relative peace and its democratic institutions, it has not gained international recognition from any country. Hargeisa argues that as a self-governing entity, its agreement with Ethiopia does not require approval from Mogadishu.

Conversely, the federal government in Mogadishu maintains that any agreement made without its consent is legally void and threatens to ignite a new conflict in a region already grappling with instability.

Diplomats have expressed grave concerns that the impasse could undermine international anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden—a critical chokepoint for global trade—and complicate the delivery of humanitarian aid to drought-stricken areas of northern Somalia. There are also fears it could erode fragile security gains made against the al-Qaeda-affiliated militant group, Al-Shabaab.

With Turkey’s mediation on hold and no other interlocutor poised to step in, the fundamental question of Ethiopia’s access to the sea and Somalia’s territorial integrity remains dangerously unresolved.

Kadib gaabiska dowladda Xasan, Hiiraan oo jiho kale ka heshay saanad ciidan

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Beledweyne (Caasimada Online) – Dadka reer Hiiraan oo haatan ku jira dagaal culus oo ay ku cidlaysay dowladda dhexe, ayaa maanta waxaa soo gaartay saanad ciidan oo muhiim ah.

Maamulka gobolka Hiiraan ayaa ka guddoomay Dowlad-deegaanka Soomaalida saanaddan ciidan oo loogu talagalay in lagu xoojiyo dagaalka ka dhanka ah Al-Shabaab ee ka socda gobolkaasi.

Saanaddan oo lagu keenay dhowr gaari oo xamuul ah, waxaa la wareegay Guddoomiyaha gobolka Hiiraan, Muuse Salaad Wehliye, iyo mas’uuliyiin kale. Munaasabadda wareejinta deeqdan ayaa ka dhacday degmada Feerfeer oo ku taalla xadka.

Inkasta oo aan la bixin faahfaahin dheeraad ah oo ku saabsan waxa ay saanaddan ka kooban tahay, haddana maamulka gobolka Hiiraan ayaa sheegay in ay kaalin muhiim ah ka qaadan doonto dagaalka ka dhanka ah kooxda Al-Shabaab.

Dhankooda, mas’uuliyiinta Dowlad-deegaanka Soomaalida ayaa caddeeyay sida ay uga go’an tahay garab istaagga shacabka gobolka Hiiraan oo haatan dagaal adag kula jira kooxda Al-Shabaab, iyaga oo ku baaqay in si wadajir ah loola dagaallamo kooxdaas.

Saanaddan ciidan ayaa imanaysa xilli uu gobolka Hiiraan, gaar ahaan magaalada Maxaas uu ka socdo abaabul xooggan oo lagu dardar-gelinayo dagaalka kooxda Al-Shabaab oo dhawaan qabsatay magaalada Moqokori, oo ah magaalo istaraatiji ah.

Si kastaba, dowladda federaalka ee uu hoggaamiyo Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud ayaa muddooyinkii dambe lagu eedeynayay inay hoos u dhigtay doorkeeda dagaalka, isla markaana ay mudnaanta koowaad siisay arrimaha siyaasadda.

Somalia lifts Kismayo flight ban, easing tensions

MOGADISHU, Somalia – The Federal Government of Somalia lifted a controversial, months-long flight ban to the southern port city of Kismayo on Wednesday, signaling a potential de-escalation in the protracted political standoff with the semi-autonomous state of Jubaland.

The resumption of air traffic, including crucial routes to the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, was confirmed by Jubaland officials, bringing relief to residents and businesses crippled by the suspension.

“The flights have officially resumed after the blockade was lifted,” Abdilahi Dhubad Shil Omar, Jubaland’s Minister of Transport, told local media.

Commercial flights to and from Kismayo’s main airport were halted for several months, a move widely seen as a tactic by the central government in Mogadishu to exert political pressure on Jubaland’s leadership.

The embargo had a severe impact on the local population, disrupting commerce and preventing citizens from accessing essential services, including specialized medical care in Nairobi.

Political rift at the core

The flight ban was a direct consequence of a deep-seated political dispute between Mogadishu and the Jubaland administration, led by President Ahmed Mohamed Islam, widely known as “Madobe.”

Tensions escalated dramatically following Madobe’s re-election for a third term on November 25, 2024. The federal government refused to recognize the election results, declaring the process unconstitutional and a violation of term limits. This denunciation was the latest flashpoint in an ongoing struggle over the division of powers, resource allocation, and constitutional authority between the central government and Somalia’s federal member states.

Mogadishu’s strategy of isolating Kismayo by air was intended to undermine Madobe’s authority and restrict his movements. However, the policy proved largely ineffective after Madobe successfully traveled to neighboring Kenya, a key ally, demonstrating the limits of the federal government’s enforcement power and ultimately prompting a reversal of the ban.

Jubaland, which borders both Kenya and Ethiopia, is a strategically critical region in the Horn of Africa. Its main city, Kismayo, boasts a significant port and airport, making it a vital economic and logistical hub. The state also serves as a crucial buffer zone in the long-running conflict against the Al-Shabaab extremist group.

President Madobe, a former militant commander who played a key role in driving Al-Shabaab out of Kismayo in 2012 with the support of Kenyan forces, has maintained a firm grip on power. His administration has often been at odds with Mogadishu over control of regional security forces and the extent of federal authority.

Kenya has historically maintained strong ties with Madobe’s government, viewing a stable Jubaland as essential to its security interests, as it prevents Al-Shabaab from establishing a haven along its border. This relationship has often been a source of friction between Nairobi and Mogadishu, with the Somali federal government accusing Kenya of interfering in its internal affairs.

A step towards dialogue?

The decision to lift the flight restrictions is being interpreted as a pragmatic step by the federal government, acknowledging that the blockade caused significant hardship for ordinary Somalis without achieving its political objectives.

While the move eases immediate humanitarian and economic pressures, the fundamental political disagreements between Mogadishu and Jubaland remain unresolved. The dispute over Madobe’s election and the broader constitutional questions about Somalia’s federal model continue to pose significant challenges to the nation’s stability and state-building efforts.

Analysts suggest that for long-term progress, the lifting of the flight ban must be followed by genuine dialogue and a political settlement that addresses the core grievances of both sides.

The international community, which provides substantial financial and security assistance to Somalia, has repeatedly urged all parties to resolve their differences through negotiation, maintaining focus on the collective fight against Al-Shabaab and the country’s development goals.

Wada-hadalladii Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya ee Tukrigu dhex-dhexaadinayey oo burburay

Ankara (Caasimada Online) – Dadaal muddo sannad ah socday oo dowladda Turkigu ku doonaysay inay ku qaboojiso khilaafka siyaasadeed ee u dhexeeya Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya ayaa lagu soo warramayaa inuu hakad galay, sida ay Arbacadii sheegeen diblomaasiyiin Soomaali iyo Itoobiyaan ah, ka dib markii xiriiradii labada dhinac ay burbureen, sabab la xiriirta loolanka Addis Ababa ugu jirto inay hesho marin badeed oo toos ah iyadoo sii maraysa Somaliland.

Dhexdhexaadintan oo bishii Febraayo 2024 ka bilaabatay magaalada Ankara, ayaa ujeeddadeedu ahayd in lagu qaboojiyo xiisad ka dhalatay kaddib markii dalka aan badda lahayn ee Itoobiya uu 1-dii Jannaayo, 2024 heshiis is-afgarad ah oo muran badan dhaliyay la saxiixday Somaliland.

Heshiiskan wuxuu Itoobiya siinayay marin dhererkiisu yahay 20 kiilomitir oo isugu jira mid ciidan iyo ganacsi oo ku teedsan Gacanka Cadmeed, iyadoo taa beddelkeeda Itoobiya ay aqoonsi diblomaasiyadeed siin karto jamhuuriyaddan iskeed madaxbannaanida ugu dhawaaqday. Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa heshiiskaas ku gacan sayrtay, kuna tilmaantay “xadgudub bareer ah” oo ka dhan ah madax-bannaanideeda, waxayna bilowday olole diblomaasiyadeed oo xooggan oo ay ku hor istaagayso.

Saddex wareeg oo wadahadallo ah oo Ankara ay martigelisay ayaa 11-kii Diseembar, 2024, lagu soo gabagabeeyay “Baaqii Ankara” oo ahaa mid ku-meelgaar ah, kaasoo labada dhinac ay ku heshiiyeen inay yeeshaan wada-sheekaysi heer farsamo ah, ayna ballanqaadeen inay ixtiraamaan midnimada dhuleed ee midba midka kale. Hase yeeshee, kulammadaas heerka khubaro oo dhacay intii u dhaxaysay 2-dii iyo 4-tii Febraayo, 2025, ayaa ku turunturooday is-mariwaa ka dhashay sidii loo kala horreysiin lahaa arrimaha marinka badda iyo aqoonsiga.

Tan iyo bishii Abriil ma jiro wax kulan ah oo kale oo la qabtay, sida ay Caasimada Online u sheegeen laba sarkaal oo arrintan la socday, kuwaasoo codsaday inaan magacooda la shaacin maadaama aan loo idman inay warbaahinta la hadlaan.

Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya, Abiy Ahmed, ayaa 3-dii Luuliyo mar kale baarlamaanka dalkiisa u adkeeyay mowqifka Itoobiya, isagoo helitaanka badda ku tilmaamay “arrin jiritaankooda ku xiran”. Hadalkiisa ayaa u muuqday mid uu ku celinayay khudbad uu jeediyay 5-tii Jannaayo, 2024, taasoo uu ku sheegay in Itoobiya aysan sii ahaan karin “jasiirad biyo ku xeeran yihiin”. Dhanka kale, Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda Soomaaliya ayaa ka jawaabtay, iyadoo heshiiska Somaliland ku tilmaantay “dhul-boob xasiloonida meesha ka saaraya”, waxayna ku boorrisay Golaha Ammaanka ee Qaramada Midoobay inuu soo farageliyo.

Firaaqa diblomaasiyadeed ee abuurmay ayaa soo jiitay awoodaha gobolka.

Madaxweynaha Masar, Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, ayaa kaddib kulan uu toddobaadkan gudihiisa kula yeeshay dalkiisa Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, wuxuu ballanqaaday gacan militari oo dheeraad ah si loo sugo amniga marinnada maraakiibta ee Badda Cas. Tallaabadan ayaa falanqeeyayaashu u arkeen mid si dadban loogu miisaamayo damaca Itoobiya ee xeebaha. Dhankiisa, Madaxweynaha Somaliland, Muuse Biixi Cabdi, ayaa bishii Oktoobar ku adkaystay inuu hirgelin doono heshiiska is-afgaradka (MoU), isagoo ku eedeeyay Muqdisho inay samaysatay “isbahaysi” ay la leedahay Qaahira iyo Asmara si loo carqaladeeyo mustaqbalka dhaqaale ee gobolkiisa.

Dowladda Turkiga, oo ah dal tababara ciidanka Soomaaliya isla markaana diyaaradihiisa caanka ah ee drones-ka ka iibisa Itoobiya, waxay isku dayday inay muujiso door dhexdhexaadnimo ah. “Waa in dhinacyada oo dhami ay ixtiraamaan xuduudaha caalamiga ah ee la aqoonsan yahay,” ayuu yiri Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda, Hakan Fidan, markii ay wadahadalladu furmeen bishii Agoosto ee tagtay. Hadda, falanqeeyayaasha siyaasadda ayaa sheegaya in guul-darrada Ankara ay hoosta ka xarriiqayso isbeddelka ku socda isbahaysiyada awoodaha Geeska Afrika, xilli ay dowladuhu raadinayaan dammaanad amni iyo marinno ganacsi oo cusub.

Somaliland, oo ah maamul iskeed isu maamula tan iyo 1991-kii balse aan helin aqoonsi caalami ah, ayaa ku doodaysa in heshiiska dekadda uusan u baahnayn oggolaansho uga yimaada Muqdisho. Dhanka kale, mas’uuliyiinta Soomaaliya waxay ku adkaysanayaan in heshiis kasta oo la gaaro iyadoon oggolaan dowladda federaalku uu yahay mid sharci ahaan buray, halisna ugu jiro inuu colaad cusub ka huriyo gobolka Badda Cas.

Diblomaasiyiintu waxay ka digayaan in is-mari-waagan uu carqaladeyn karo howlaha la-dagaallanka burcad-badeedda ee marinka mashquulka badan ee Gacanka Cadmeed iyo Badda Cas, isla markaana uu sii adkeyn karo gaarsiinta gargaarka bini’aadannimo ee gobollada waqooyiga Soomaaliya ee ay abaaruhu ku dhufteen.

Waxaa sidoo kale jirta cabsi laga qabo inuu wiiqo guulaha aan weli cagaha adag ku taagnayn ee laga gaaray la-dagaallanka Al-Shabaab. Hadda, ma jirto cid dhexdhexaadiye ah oo u muuqata inay diyaar u tahay inay gasho kaalintii Turkiga, taasoo ka dhigan in su’aasha ugu weyn ee muranka badda ee gobolka ay weli tahay mid aan xal loo helin.

 

DF oo xayiraaddii socdaalka ka qaaday Jubaland + Sababta

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Kismaayo (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa qaaday xayiraaddii duulimaadyada ee saarneyd maamulka Jubbaland, iyadoo garoonka diyaaradaha magaalada Kismaayo uu maanta si caadi ah dib ugu bilaabay howlaha duulimaadka.

Duulimaadyadii u kala gooshi jiray magaalooyinka Kismaayo, Dhoobley iyo Nairobi, kuwaas oo hakad galay muddo dhowr bilood ah, ayaa maanta si rasmi ah dib u billowday kadib markii dowladda dhexe ay qaaday xayiraaddii saarneyd.

“Duulimaadyadu si rasmi ah ayay u bilowdeen, kadib markii la qaaday xannibaaddii saarnayd,” ayuu yiri Wasiirka Gaadiidka ee Jubbaland, Cabdilaahi Dhubad Shiil Cumar, oo xaqiijiyay in duulimaadyada la fasaxay.

Hakadka duulimaadyadan ayaa saameyn xooggan ku yeeshay shacabka, gaar ahaan dadka u safri jiray magaalada Nairobi arrimo la xiriira caafimaadka iyo ganacsiga.

Dib u furista duulimaadyadu waxaa loo arkaa tallaabo muhiim ah oo ay qaaday dowladda federaalka, taasoo ugu dambeyn garowsatay in xayiraaddu aysan wax faa’iido ah keenin, balse kaliya ay culeys dheeri ah ku kordhisay shacabka.

Xannibaadda duulimaadyada ayaa timid kaddib doorashadii uu Madaxweynaha Jubbaland, Axmed Maxamed Islaam (Madoobe) ku qabtay magaalada Kismaayo 25-kii November ee sanadkii hore, taas oo aanay aqoonsan dowladda federaalka, oo khilaaf xooggan kala dhaxeeyo hoggaanka Jubbaland.

Si kastaba, ujeeddada xayiraadda oo ahayd in lagu xaddido awoodda socdaalka ee Madaxweyne Madoobe, laguna saaro cadaadis siyaasadeed, ayaan wax natiijo ah laga gaarin, kadib markii uu u dhoofay dalka Kenya, taasoo ugu dambeyn keentay in dowladda federaalka ay dib uga laabato tallaabadii ay qaaday.

Fahad Yaasiin oo weerar xun ku qaaday Cabdikariin Qalbi-dhagax – ‘Nacas nacfi leh’

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Taliyihi hore ee Hay’adda NISA, Fahad Yaasiin Xaaji Daahir oo qoraal soo saaray ayaa ka hadlay xaaladda Dowlad-deegaanka Soomaalida, isaga oo weerar culus oo afka ah ku qaaday Cabdikariim Sheekh Muuse (Qalbi-dhagax).

Fahad Yaasiin ayaa marka hore ka digay in  la burburiyo Jabhadda Xoraynta Ogaadeeniya, isaga oo xusay haddii arrintaas dhacdo ay keeni doonto taariikh xumo.

Sidoo kale, Fahad Yaasiin ayaa si toos ah Qalbi-dhagax ugu eedeeyay in loo adeegsanayo burburinta Jabhadda Waddaniga Xoraynta Ogaadeeniya, isla markaana uu wado qorshe loo soo dhiibay, si uu fuliyo.

Waxaa kale oo uu tilmaamay in ninkan horey loogu adeegsaay sumcad dilka Dowladdii Farmaajo iyo in lagu dhaawaco ololihii doorashada ee Xasan Cali Khayre, wuxuuna intaasi ku daray in markaa suu u shaqeynayay Sirdoonkii Tigreega.

“Cabdikariim Sheekh Muuse (Qalbidhagax), taariikhdiisa madaw waa dambe bey fahmi doonaan shacabku, haddeer se in yar unbaan ka dhahayaa. DORRAAD: Sirdoonkii Tigreega iyo shaqaalahooda ayaa u adeegsaday in lagu dumiyo sumcadda Maamulkii Madaxweyne Farmaajo,” ayuu yiri Fahad Yaasiin.

Waxa uu intaas kusii daray “SHALAY: Qolo kale ayaa usoo adeegsatay si loogu dhaawaco olalaha doorashada Musharax Xasan Khayre ee maalmihii doorashadii madaxtinnimada ee 15/05/22: MAANTA: Nasiib darro, mar saddexaad baa haddana loo adeegsanayaa in lagu burburiyo Jabhadda Waddaniga Xoraynta Ogaadeeniya. NACAS, NACFI LEH.”

Hoos ka akhriso qoraalka Fahad oo dhammeystiran:

NACAS NACFI LEH!

Jabhadda Xoraynta Ogaadeeniya, waa mid kamid ah jabhadaha ugu cimriga dheer qawmiyadda Soomaalida. Hannaankeeda gobonnimo-doon waa lagala hor imaan karaa doodo kala geddisan. Hase ahaato e, in la isku dayo in la burburiyo ama la kala diro waa isku day moora-duugid ku ah taariikhda ummadda Soomaaliyeed. Madaxda Dowladda Deegaanka ee maanta waxaa la gudboon inaysan taariikh xumadaas qeyb ka noqon.

Haddii lala xisaabtamayo ama la dhaliilayo ONLF, iyada oo is haysata oo midaysan gogosha wada hadalka hala soo fariisiyo. Cabdikariim Sheekh Muuse (Qalbidhagax), taariikhdiisa madaw waa dambe bey fahmi doonaan shacabku, haddeer se in yar unbaan ka dhahayaa.

DORRAAD: Sirdoonkii Tigreega iyo shaqaalahooda ayaa u adeegsaday in lagu dumiyo sumcadda Maamulkii Madaxweyne Farmaajo.

SHALAY: Qolo kale ayaa usoo adeegsatay si loogu dhaawaco olalaha doorashada Musharax Xasan Khayre ee maalmihii doorashadii madaxtinnimada ee 15/05/22.

MAANTA: Nasiib darro, mar saddexaad baa haddana loo adeegsanayaa in lagu burburiyo Jabhadda Waddaniga Xoraynta Ogaadeeniya. NACAS, NACFI LEH.

Faah-faahinta qarax is-miidaamin ah oo ka dhacay Kuliyadda Jaalle Siyaad

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Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Faah-faahinno dheeraad ah ayaa waxaa laga helayaa khasaaraha ka dhasha qarax is-miidaamin ah oo uu fuliyay qof isku soo xiray walxaha qarxa, kaas oo barqanimadii maanta ka dhacay afaafka hore Kuliyadda Jaalle Siyaad ee magaalada Muqdisho.

Qaraxa oo jugtiisa si xooggan looga maqlay xaafado kamid ah caasimada ayaa dhaliyay khasaar kala duwan, inkastoo aan la shaacin karin inta uu gaarsiisan yahay.

Qoraal kooban oo kasoo baxay Wasaaradda Gaashaandhigga Soomaaliya ayaa looga hadlay qaraxa, waxaana lagu sheegay inuu gaystay naftii halige ka tirsan kooxda Al-Shabaab.

“Qarax ayaa saaka abaare 11:20AM ka dhacay afaafka hore ee Kuliyadda Jaalle Siyaad, kaas oo uu fuliyay qof naftii halige ah oo ka tirsan argagixisada Khawaarijta Al-Shabaab” ayaa lagu yiri warsaxaafadeedka kasoo baxay Wasaaradda Gaashaandhigga Soomaaliya.

Sidoo kale qoraaka ayaa lagu sheegay in haatan ay socdaan baaritaanno dheeraad ah oo ay wadaan ciidamada dowladda, dibna ay wasaaraddu ka shaacin doonto faah-faahinta.

“Ciidamada ammaanka ayaa wada baaritaanno, waxaana shacabka la wadaagi doonaa macluumaadka rasmiga ah marka uu soo dhammaystirmo, haddii Alle idmo” ayaa lasii raaciyay qoraalka.

Xaaladda goobta uu qaraxu ka dhacay ayaa hadda ah mid deggan, waxaana si caadi ah kusoo laabtay dhaq-dhaqaaqa waddada hor marta Kuliyadda oo muhiim ah shacabka.

Weerarkan is-miidaaminta ah ayaa kusoo aadayo, xilli muddooyinkii ugu dambeeyay laga nastay qaraxyada ay caasimada ka fuliyaan maleeshiyaadka kooxda Al-Shabaab oo haatan dagaal adag kula jira Ciidamada Xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed iyo kuwa Macawiisleyda.

Inta badan kooxda ayaa beegsata xerooyinka ciidamada, waxaana horay ay u qarxisay dhalinyaro qoranayay ciidamada oo ku sugnaa qaar kamid ah xerooyinka Muqdisho.

Xiisad culus oo ka dhex-qaraxday Sacuudiga iyo Masar

Qaahira (Caasimada Online) – Xiisad culis ayaa ka dhex-qaraxday Masar iyo Sacuudi Carabiya, iyadoo shakhsiyaadka warbaahinta ee labada dal ee daacadda u ah nidaamyada talada haya ay bilaabeen olole weerarro ah oo aan noociisa hore loo arag, kuwaasoo lala beegsaday wasiirrada iyo weliba madaxda labada dal—Madaxweyne Cabdifataax al-Sisi iyo Dhaxal-suge Maxamed bin Salmaan.

In kasta oo xiriirka labada dal uu muddo dheer ku sifoobay carqalad hoose iyo dano ku dhisan wax-is-dhaafsi, haddana is-maandhaafkii ugu dambeeyay wuxuu isu beddelay colaad aan gabasho lahayn. Dood ka bilaabatay baraha bulshada oo ku saabsanayd hadal ka soo yeeray wasiir Masaari ah ayaa isku rogtay duullaan dhanka internet-ka ah oo ballaaran, kaasoo ay la socdeen baaqyo isbeddel lagu sameeyo taliska iyo mala-awaal ku saabsan suurtagalnimada in al-Sisi uu xukunka ka dego sanadka 2026.

Xiisadda ayaa cirka isku shareertay markii Wasiirka Gaadiidka Masar, Kaamil al-Waziir, oo dhaleecayn kala kulmayay shil khasaare badan geystay oo ay ku dhinteen 19 haween ah oo shaqaale ahaa, uu ku jees-jeesay kharashka Sacuudiga uu ku bixiyo kaabayaashiisa dhaqaalaha. Jawaabtaas, mas’uuliyiin Sacuudiyaan ah iyo xulafadooda warbaahinta ayaa si adag uga falceliyay, iyadoo Turki al-Sheikh—oo ah la-taliye sare oo ku dhow Maxamed bin Salmaan—uu ku maadeystay hab-hadalka qaldan ee al-Waziir iyo kartidiisa.

Waxaa dabka sii huriyey, suxufiga caanka ah ee Sacuudiga, Qenaan al-Ghamdi, oo saadaaliyay in al-Sisi uu xabsi ku dambayn doono marka uu xilli-xileedkiisu dhammaado, isagoo ku tilmaamay mashruuca caasimadda cusub ee Masar mid musuqmaasuq ku dhisan oo xad-dhaaf ah. Aargudasho ahaan, falanqeeye Masaari ah, Saamix Abu al-Aaryes—oo lagu yaqaan inuu daacad u yahay nidaamka—ayaa ku baaqay in afgambi lagu sameeyo qoyska boqortooyada Sacuudiga si meesha looga saaro Maxamed bin Salmaan.

Aflagaaddooyinkan, oo ahaa kuwo si toos ah shakhsiyaadka u beegsanayay oo ay gudbinayeen codad dawladda ku xiran, ayaa loo arkay inay ahaayeen kuwo si bareer ah loo sameeyay oo aan kama’ ahayn. Falanqeeyayaashu waxay sheegeen inaysan marnaba suurtagal ahayn in hadallada noocan oo kale ah la jeediyo iyada oo aan oggolaansho, xitaa mid dadban, laga haysan sirdoonka labada dal. Is-hardinkan labada dhinac ah ayaa keenay in mas’uuliyiin sarsare ay si degdeg ah u soo farageliyaan.

Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda Masar, Badr Cabdel Caati, ayaa si cad u dhaleeceeyay waxa uu ku tilmaamay “awoodo ku-meel-gaar ah” oo isku dayaya inay gobolka u taliyaan—waana farriin aan leex-leexad lahayn oo loola jeedo Sacuudi Carabiya. Saacado ka dib, wadahadal diblomaasiyadeed oo dhex maray Cabdel Caati iyo dhiggiisa Sacuudiga, Faysal bin Farxaan, ayaa la isugu dayay in lagu qaboojiyo xiisadda, iyadoo labada dhinac ay adkeeyeen “xiriirkooda taariikhiga ah.”

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, khilaafku wuu ka qoto dheer yahay is-weydaarsiga hadallada kulul.

Dhammaadka kaalmooyinka aan xadka lahayn

Carada Sacuudiga ee ka dhalatay codsiyada joogtada ah ee al-Sisi ee taageerada dhaqaale ayaa udub-dhexaad u ah loollanka. Tan iyo afgambigii 2013 ee uu xukunka kula wareegay, Masar waxay dalalka Khaliijka ka heshay kaalmo dhan in ka badan $92 bilyan—oo $64 bilyan oo ka mid ah ay ka timid Sacuudi Carabiya oo keliya. Laakiin Riyadh ayaa si tartiib-tartiib ah uga guurtay deeqaha aan shuruudaha lahayn, una weecatay maalgashi istiraatiiji ah iyo la wareegidda hantida Masar.

“Bariiska Jananka”—naanays ay waddamada Khaliijku u bixiyeen kaalmada Masar—ayaa si dhab ah u gabaabsi noqotay. Farriinta ka imaanaysa Riyadh way caddahay: Masar waa inay isbeddel samaysaa oo ay wax qabataa, haddii kale waxay wajihi doontaa mustaqbal aan lahayn kaalmooyin aan xisaab lahayn. Warbixin uu soo saaray machadka Bariga Dhexe (Middle East Institute) bishii Luulyo 2025, ayaa lagu adkeeyay in kasta oo Sacuudigu aanu oggolaan doonin in Masar ay burburto, haddana “siyaasaddii taageerada shuruud la’aanta ahayd way dhammaatay.”

Qodob kale oo weyn oo khilaafka dhaliyay ayaa ah dib-u-dhaca Masar ee ku aaddan wareejinta jasiiradaha Tiran iyo Sanafir—oo Sacuudiga loogu tanaasulay sanadkii 2018 balse aan weli si rasmi ah loogu wareejin. Qaahira ayaa la sheegay inay ku gacan sayrayso wareejinta, iyadoo dalbanaysa magdhow dheeri ah, xilli ay Maraykanka iyo Israel danaynayaan inay jasiiradahaas u isticmaalaan ujeeddooyin militari oo istiraatiiji ah.

Wareejinta ayaa waxaa hareeyay dacwado gudaha ah, xasaasiyad gobolka ka jirta, iyo mala-awaal sheegaya in Washington ay doonayso inay saldhig ka dhisto jasiiradaha. Mas’uuliyiinta Masar ayaa ka horyimid tallaabo kasta oo noocaas ah, iyadoo Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda Cabdel Caati uu ka digay joogitaanka militari shisheeye ee Badda Cas—taasoo ah arrin mudnaan gaar ah u leh amniga qaranka Masar, oo isu aragta inay tahay ilaaliyaha Kanaalka Suweys.

Sawirro dayax-gacmeed ah oo ay daabacday The New York Times bishii Juun 2025 ayaa muujiyay calaamado hore oo muujinaya dhismaha saldhig Maraykan ah. In kasta oo Maraykanku uu sheegay in saldhiggu uu gacan ka geysan doono sugidda marinnada maraakiibta iyo la dagaallanka tahriibinta hubka ee loo wado Gaza iyo Lubnaan, mas’uuliyiinta Masar waxay ka cabsi qabaan in mashruucu uu wiiqayo madax-bannaanidooda isla markaana uu yareynayo saamaynta Qaahira ee gobolka.

Loolanka hoggaanka gobolka

Saldhigga khilaafku wuxuu salka ku hayaa loolan ballaaran oo loogu jiro hoggaaminta gobolka. In kasta oo doorkii dhaqameed ee Masar ee hoggaaminta dunida Carabta uu hoos u dhacay sababo la xiriira hoos u dhac dhaqaale iyo kalitalisnimada sii kordhaysa, Sacuudi Carabiya waxay si xooggan isu dhigtay kaalin ah inay noqoto awoodda cusub ee gobolka—oo ay ku jirto arrinta Falastiin.

Ilo wareedyo Israel iyo Maraykan ah ayaa sheegaya in Riyadh ay si isa soo taraysa ugu lug yeelanayso wada-xaajoodyada xabbad-joojinta ee lala galo Xamaas, taasoo suurtagal ah inay meesha ka saarto doorkii Masar iyo Qatar. Iyadoo dagaalka Israel ee Gaza uu muujinayo calaamado uu ku qaboobayo, Sacuudiga wuxuu u muuqdaa mid diyaar u ah inuu taageeradiisa nabadda ku xiro heshiisyo ballaaran oo caadiyaynta xiriirka ah, kuwaasoo hoos tagaya Heshiisyadii Abraham (Abraham Accords).

Suxufiga ruug-caddaaga ah ee Masaarida, Xaafid al-Mirazi, ayaa ku tilmaamay xiriirka sii xumaanaya inuu yahay mid ka dhashay aragtiyo siyaasadeed iyo filashooyin dhaqaale oo kala duwan. Wuxuu xusay in faallooyinkii dhowaanahan ee baraha bulshada ay qofka ka dhigayaan mid illowba in Sacuudigu uu mar taageeray kor u kaca al-Sisi—isagoo ka dhigaya sidii inay ahayd Qatar, ee aanay ahayn Riyadh, tii garab istaagtay Qaahira sanadkii 2013.

Ma ahan markii ugu horreysay ee shabakadaha daacadda u ah labada dhinac ee internet-ka ay is-weydaarsadaan hadallo kulul iyagoo taageero aan rasmi ahayn ka helaya. Laakiin markan, weerarradu waxay ahaayeen kuwo si aan caadi ahayn u toos ah—oo si aan caadi ahayn shakhsiyaadka loogu bartilmaameedsaday.

Horraantii 2023, qoraa Masaari ah oo aflagaaddo u geystay Sacuudiyiinta kuna tilmaamay “reer baadiye caga-cad” ayaa kiciyay caro xooggan, waxaana si degdeg ah loo tirtiray qoraalkiisa. Xiisado kale oo isla sanadkaas dhacay waxaa ka mid ahaa shakhsiyaad caan ah sida Maxamed al-Baaz, oo ah falanqeeye Masaari ah oo daacad u ah nidaamka, kaasoo weerarro ku qaaday siyaasadda Sacuudiga isagoo adeegsanaya muuqaallo toos ah.

Dhanka kale, aqoonyahanno iyo qorayaal Sacuudiyaan ah sida Khaalid al-Daakhil ayaa dhaleeceeyay awoodda dhaqaale ee ciidanka Masar, iyagoo su’aal ka keenay sii jiritaanka hab-maamulka al-Sisi.

Is-hardinnadan soo noqnoqday waxay ka tarjumayaan walaacyo qoto dheer: Qaahira waxaa loo arkaa inay dalbanayso wax badan iyadoo bixinaysa wax yar, halka Riyadh ay u aragto dib-u-dhaca iyo caga-jiidka Masar—ee ku aaddan ka-qaybgalka militari, isbeddelka maalgashiga, iyo wareejinta dhulka—inay yihiin calaamado muujinaya isku-halayn la’aan.

Maxaa Xiga?

In kasta oo wadahadalkii taleefoonka ee 3-dii Luulyo dhex maray wasiirrada arrimaha dibadda uu muujinayay rabitaan ah in la dejiyo is-maandhaafka, haddana arrimihii salka u ahaa weli lama xallin. Diidmada Masar ee ah inay si buuxda u wareejiso Tiran iyo Sanafir, u weecashada Sacuudiga ee dhanka maalgashi shuruudaysan, iyo kala duwanaanshaha doorarkooda diblomaasiyadeed ee gobolka ayaa dhammaantood tilmaamaya kala-qaybsanaan istiraatiiji ah oo sii kordhaysa.

Inkasta oo labada dal ay si fagaare ah u adkeynayaan “xiriirkooda walaaltinimo,” falanqeeyayaashu waxay sheegayaan in ololaha warbaahintu uu qayb ka yahay hab cusub oo si furan cadaadis la isugu saarayo—farriimo qarsoon oo la soo mariyo wakiillo daacad ah, laguna sii daayo baraha dawladda ku xiran, isla markaana ay buunbuuniyaan ciidamo internet-ka ah.

Sacuudigu hadda uma muuqdo mid ku qanacsan inuu maalgeliyo Masar iyada oo aan wax faa’iido ah ka helin. Masar, dhankeeda, waxay ka xun tahay awood-sheegashada Riyadh, waxayna ka cabsi qabtaa in la iska fogeeyo iyadoo lagu jiro nidaam cusub oo Bariga Dhexe ah.

Isbahaysiga, oo mar ku dhisnaa cadow ay wadaagaan iyo lacagta batroolka ee deeqsinimada leh, ayaa hadda wajahaya tijaabadiisii ugu adkayd abid.

 

Cosoble: Xawaadle wuxuu maanta la mid yahay Falastiin

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Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynihii hore ee Dowlad-goboleedka HirShabelle, Cali Cabdullahi Cosoble o qoraal soo saaray ayaa ka hadlay arrimo la xiriira dagaalka ka dhanka ah Al-Shabaab, gaar ahaan halganka ciidamada Macawiisleyda ee Xawaadle.

Cali Cosoble ayaa si weyn u boggaadiyay doorka ciidanka xaq-u-dirirka deegaanka ee ku sugan Hiiraan, wuxuuna tilmaamay in maanta ay lamid yihiin reer Falastiin oo kale.

Sidoo kale wuxuu aad u dhaliilay beelaha kale ee Soomaalida oo uu ku eeeeyay inay ka gaabiyeen dagaalka adag ee lagula jiro Al-Shabaab oo halis ah ku ah guud ahaan dalka.

Siyaasiga Cali Cosoble oo hadalkiisa sii wata ayaa Al-Shabaab la mee dhigay Israa’iil, wuxuuna tilmaamay in loo baahan yahay in meel looga soo wada jeesto, la’iskana dhiciyo.

“Xawaadle wuxuu maanta la mid yahay Falastiin. Somalidii kalana wexey la mid noqotay Carabta cabsaneysa. Shababna wexey la mid yihiin Israil” ayuu yiri Cali Cosoble.

Hadalkan wuxuu kusoo aadayaa, xilli haatan Al-Shabaab ay qabsadeen degmada Moqokori oo muddo dheer ay ka difaacayeen Macawiisleyda Beesha Xawaadle, balse ugu dambneyn maalin ka hor ay la wareegeen cadowga, kadib dagaallo culus oo ka dhacay magaaladaasi.

Macawiisleyda Xawaadle oo wacdaro ka dhigay furimaha dagaalka ayaa haatan tirsanaya eedeymo waawayn oo ay ujeediyaan Dowladda Dhexe, maadaama aan lagu taageerin, laguna garab siin halganka adag ee ay kula jiraan kooxaha Khawaarijta.

Si kastab, dagaalka ayaa weli sii socda, waxaana haatan socda abaabul culus oo lagu doonayo in Al-Shabaab dib looga saaro Moqokori, kaas oo uu hoggaamiyo Cali Jayte Cismaan oo haatan ku sugan furimaha dagaalka, gaar ahaan aagga degmada Maxaas.

From allies to adversaries: Egypt-Saudi ties hit new low

CAIRO, Egypt – Tensions between Egypt and Saudi Arabia have once again erupted, with pro-regime media figures in both countries launching an unprecedented wave of attacks targeting not only ministers but also the heads of state—President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

Though relations have long been marked by quiet resentment and transactional pragmatism, the latest flare-up has turned openly hostile. What began as a social media spat over an Egyptian minister’s comments escalated into a full-blown digital offensive, complete with calls for regime change and speculation over el-Sisi’s downfall in 2026.

The tipping point came when Egypt’s Transport Minister Kamel el-Wazir, under fire for a deadly crash that killed 19 female laborers, mocked Saudi Arabia’s infrastructure spending. In response, Saudi officials and media allies hit back, with Turki al-Sheikh—a top adviser to bin Salman—ridiculing el-Wazir’s language blunders and competence.

Fueling the storm, prominent Saudi journalist Qenan al-Ghamdi predicted that el-Sisi would end up in prison once his term ends, dismissing Egypt’s new capital project as a corrupt extravagance. In retaliation, Egyptian commentator Sameh Abu al-Aaryes—a known regime loyalist—called for a coup within the Saudi royal family to remove bin Salman.

The insults, strikingly personal and delivered by state-aligned voices, were deemed too provocative to be accidental. Analysts say such statements are unlikely to have been made without at least tacit approval from intelligence services in both countries. This mutual escalation triggered swift interventions from senior officials.

Egypt’s Foreign Minister Badr Abdel Ati publicly rebuked what he described astransient powerstrying to dominate the region—an unmistakable reference to Saudi Arabia. Hours later, a diplomatic call between Ati and his Saudi counterpart Faisal bin Farhan sought to cool tensions, with both sides affirming theirhistoric ties.”

However, the rift runs deeper than rhetorical skirmishes.

End of the blank cheque era

Saudi frustration over el-Sisi’s relentless demands for financial support is central to the feud. Since the 2013 coup that brought him to power, Egypt has received over $92 billion in Gulf aid—$64 billion from Saudi Arabia alone. But Riyadh has gradually shifted away from open-ended grants to strategic investments and asset acquisitions in Egypt.

Therice for the general”—a Gulf nickname for Egyptian aid—has effectively dried up. The message from Riyadh is clear: Egypt must reform and deliver, or face a future without blank checks. In a July 2025 report, the Middle East Institute emphasized that while Saudi Arabia won’t let Egypt collapse,the policy of unconditional support has come to an end.”

Another major sticking point is Egypt’s delayed transfer of the Tiran and Sanafir islands—ceded to Saudi Arabia in 2018 but still not formally handed over. Cairo is reportedly holding out for greater compensation amid U.S. and Israeli interest in using the islands for strategic military purposes.

The transfer has been bogged down by domestic lawsuits, regional sensitivities, and speculation that Washington intends to build a base on the islands. Egyptian officials have opposed any such move, with Foreign Minister Ati warning against foreign military presence in the Red Sea—a key national security concern for Egypt, which sees itself as the Suez Canal’s guardian.

Satellite imagery published by The New York Times in June 2025 showed early signs of U.S. base construction. While the U.S. says the base would help secure shipping lanes and combat arms smuggling to Gaza and Lebanon, Egyptian officials fear the project undermines their sovereignty and diminishes Cairo’s regional clout.

A rivalry for regional leadership

At the heart of the dispute lies a broader competition for regional leadership. While Egypt’s traditional role as Arab world leader has faded due to economic decline and authoritarian drift, Saudi Arabia has aggressively positioned itself as the region’s new power broker—including on the Palestinian issue.

Israeli and American sources say Riyadh is increasingly involved in ceasefire negotiations with Hamas, potentially sidelining Egypt and Qatar. As Israel’s war in Gaza shows signs of de-escalation, Saudi Arabia appears poised to link its support for peace to broader normalization deals under the Abraham Accords.

Veteran Egyptian journalist Hafez al-Mirazi described the souring ties as a result of diverging geopolitical visions and financial expectations. He noted that recent online commentary would make one forget Saudi Arabia once backed el-Sisi’s rise—and make it seem as if it were Qatar, not Riyadh, that stood by Cairo in 2013.

This isn’t the first time digital loyalist networks on both sides have traded barbs with unofficial backing. But this time, the attacks were unusually direct—and unusually personal.

In early 2023, an Egyptian columnist’s slur calling Saudisbarefoot nomadssparked a furious backlash and was swiftly deleted. Other flare-ups that year included high-profile figures like Mohamed el-Baz, a pro-regime Egyptian commentator, launching attacks on Saudi policy via livestreams.

In return, Saudi academics and writers such as Khaled al-Dakhil criticized the Egyptian military’s economic dominance, questioning the sustainability of el-Sisi’s governance model.

These cycles of tension reflect deeper concerns: Cairo is seen as demanding too much while offering too little in return, and Riyadh views Egypt’s delays and dithering—on military involvement, investment reform, and territorial transfers—as signs of unreliability.

What’s Next?

While the July 3 phone call between foreign ministers signaled a desire to dial down the confrontation, underlying issues remain unresolved. Egypt’s refusal to fully surrender Tiran and Sanafir, Saudi Arabia’s pivot toward conditional investment, and diverging roles in regional diplomacy all point to a growing strategic split.

Even as both countries publicly reaffirm theirfraternal ties,analysts say the media campaigns are part of a new, more public way of applying pressure—subtle messages sent through loyalist surrogates, aired on state-linked platforms, and amplified by online armies.

Saudi Arabia no longer appears content to bankroll Egypt without returns. Egypt, for its part, resents Riyadh’s assertiveness and fears being cast aside in a new Middle Eastern order.

The alliance, once held together by shared enemies and generous petrodollars, now faces its toughest test yet.

Daawo: Duqa Muqdisho oo maanta ameeyay arrin farxad-gelisay reer Muqdisho

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Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Guddoomiyaha Gobolka Banaadir ahna Duqa Magaalada Muqdisho Xasan Maxamed Xuseen (Muungaab) ayaa maanta qaaday tallaabo aad loogu riyaaqay, isla markaana farxad-gelisay shacabka ku dhaqan gudaha caasimada, taas oo la xiriirta dhismaha waddooyinka muhiimka ah ee ku burburay roobabkii dhowaan da’ay.

Muungaab oo maanta dhagax dhigay waddada 26-ka June ee isku xirta Isgoysyada Shaqaalaha iyo Sheekh Cali Suufi ee Degmada Hodan ayaa sheegay in qarashka ku baxayo dhismaha uu bixinayo maamulka gobolka Banaadir, taas oo aad loogu boggaadiyay.

Duqa Muqdisho ayaa shaaca ka qaaday in arrintan ay ka dhalatay dib-u-habeyn maamul iyo mid maaliyadeed oo la sameeyay taas oo suurtogalisay in la beeqaamiyo dakhliga gobolka Banaadir.

Sidoo kale wuxuu guddoomiyuhu ballanqaaday in canshuurta shacabka caasimadda loo adeegsan doono fulinta mashaariicda horumarinta, si loo qurxiyo caasimada.

“Waddada 26-ka June ee loo yaqaano waddada shaqaalaha, waa 1,300 oo kiilo mitir waxaa dhisayo oo maalgelinaya si toos ah Dowladda Hoose ee Xamar waxaa lagu dhisayaa qarashka canshuuraha ee laga qaado dadka Soomaaliyeed ee ku dhaqan Xamar” ayuu yiri.

Waxaa kale oo uu farriin u diray shacabka Soomaaliyeed oo uu ka dalbaday inay bixiyaan canshuurta, kadibna ay kua xisaabtaan Dowladda Hoose ee Xamar.

“Dadka Soomaaliyeed waxa nagula xisaabtami doonaan canshuuraha ay bixiyaan waxa aanu ugu qabano, waana sababta aan u xoojinay daah-furnaanta maamulka, si aan u hubino kharashka baxayo iyo ciida la siinayo” ayuu mar kale yiri guddoomiye Muungaab.

Sidoo kale wuxuu sii raaciyay “Shacabka ku dhaqan caasimada waxaan ugu baaqayaa in ay qaataan kaalintooda muwaadinimo, sidoo kale in ay bixiyaan canshuuaha ka qayb qaataan sugidda amniga iyo inay ka qayb qaataan dhismaha dowladnimada oo ay usoo baxaan is diiwaangelinta”.

Muungaab ayaa tan iyo markii la magacaabay waday dadaallo horumarineed oo ku aadan caasimada, isaga oo sidoo kale isbeddal wayn ku sameeyay hoggaanka gobolka Banaadir.

Shiinaha oo Soomaaliya ka taageeraya ka hortagga arrin khatar weyn ku ah amniga

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Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda Shiinaha ayaa ballan-qaad culus oo la xiriira amniga, gaar ahaan ka hortagga qaraxyada u sameysay Dowladda Federaalka, kadib kulan gaar ah oo dhex-maray Wasiirka Wasaaradda Amniga Gudaha Mudane Cabdullaahi Sheekh Ismaaciil (Fartaag) iyo Danjiraha Shiinaha u fadhiya magaalada Muqdisho Mudane Wang Yu.

Kulanka oo ka dhacay xafiiska Wasiir Fartaag ayaa waxaa aad oogu falanqeeyay xoojinta iyo adkaynta xiriirka ka dhaxeeya labada dal & sidii sare loogu qaadi lahaa iskaashigooda.

Sidoo kale inta uu socday kulanka waxaa lagu soo qaaday amniga iyada oo Shiinaha ku dhawaaqay inuu Soomaaliya ka taageerayo khataraha miinooyinka la galiyo dhulka.

Danjire Wang Yu oo madasha ka hadlay ayaa sidoo kale sheegay in dowladdiisa ay ka go’an tahay taageerada midnimada dhuleed iyo madax-bannaanida Soomaaliya, isaga oo xusay in Shiinuhu ixtiraamayo qawaaniinta caalamiga ah ee si cad u qeexaya madax-bannaanida Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya.

Sidoo kale, Danjiraha ayaa Wasiirka Amniga Soomaaliya la wadaagay in dowladda Shiinaha diyaarisay barnaamijyo isugu jira aqoon is-weydaarsi iyo aqoon kororsi, kuwaas oo lagu taageerayo howlaha miina baarista, tababarrada ciidanka, iyo kor u qaadista xirfadaha iyo aqoonta Booliska Soomaaliyeed.

Barnaamijyadan ayaa waxaa qeyb ka ah dadaallada Shiinaha ee lagu garab istaagayo tayeynta hay’adaha amniga ee dalka, si loo kaabo awoodda Dowladda Federaalka.

Dhankiisa Wasiir Fartaag ayaa uga mahadceliyay Shiinaha taageerada joogtada ah ee uu siiyo Soomaaliya, gaar ahaan dhinacyada amniga, tababarka iyo horumarinta awoodda hay’adaha amni.

Waxaa kale oo uu intaasi kusii daray in iskaashi buuxa oo laba geesood ah uu horseedi karo nabad waarta iyo xasillooni ka hanaqda guud ahaan dalka.

Shiinaha ayaa kamid ah dowladaha waawayn ee taageerada siiya Dowladda Federaalka, wuxuuna sidoo kale ka qayb-qaatay arrimaha bani;aadanimada ee dalka.

Si kastaba, Soomaaliya ayaa haatan baahi wayn u qabta taageerada ka hortagga miinooyinka iyo waxlaha qarxa, maadaama ay halis ku hayaan dalka oo ay ku xoogan yihiin kooxaha argagixisada, gaar ahaan Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish oo ka dagaalama gudaha dalka.