ASMARA, Eritrea – Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki has launched an extraordinary verbal assault on the United Arab Emirates, accusing the Gulf powerhouse of deliberately stoking conflict in Somalia and Sudan as part of an “elusive dream” to build a maritime “empire of ports” across the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.

In a remarkably candid interview published by Eritrea’s Ministry of Information, the long-serving leader questioned the motives behind Abu Dhabi’s aggressive foreign policy. “The big question arises: Why the UAE? This is particularly worrying for us now. Why would the UAE do this? One cannot comprehend it.”

The direct and detailed allegations signal a stark deterioration in relations between the two former allies, who once cooperated closely during the Yemen war, with the UAE using Eritrea’s Assab port as a key military base.

Afwerki portrayed the UAE as the central antagonist in multiple regional crises. “People often point fingers at the UAE, claiming they are behind all these mayhem. This is not a matter that needs proof,” he stated, adding that the web of interference was vast. “One can invoke not only what is happening in Libya but also what is being done through Chad, the Central African Republic, and Kordofan.”

An ’empire of ports’

At the heart of Afwerki’s critique is what he describes as a UAE-led ambition to control a vast network of ports, thereby dominating regional trade and security.

“If someone… is contemplating controlling the Suez Canal… controlling Jeddah, Port Sudan, Hodeidah, Djibouti, Assab, Aden, Berbera, Mogadishu, Mombasa, Lamu, and reaching as far as Dar es Salaam… how can one find a rational explanation for this ambition?” he asked.

He argued this expansionist policy dismisses local sovereignty, questioning the premise of UAE-led development projects. “They claim to ‘develop ports’ but are these no-man’s land? Are there no governments? Are there no people there who wish to develop their own investments, industries, and infrastructure?”

Afwerki also accused the UAE of using its immense wealth for “influence peddling,” alleging that humanitarian or environmental concerns were a smokescreen for political maneuvering.

“Billions of dollars are spent on issues like ‘climate change’ to fund political parties here and there,” he claimed. “There is no end to the billions that governments in this region receive from the UAE.”

Somalia and Sudan  

The Eritrean president, who has led the Horn of Africa nation since its 1993 independence, singled out several active conflicts where he sees the UAE’s hand.

In Sudan, he lamented that “unnecessary external interference has taken the matter out of the hands of the Sudanese.” His claims align with reports from a United Nations panel of experts that presented credible evidence of the UAE supplying weapons to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

Regarding Somalia, Afwerki directly questioned the UAE’s motives, asking, “What is the purpose of the interventions in Somalia? Why are they singling out and propagating the Somaliland issue?”

 This is a pointed reference to the controversial port access deal between Ethiopia and the breakaway region of Somaliland, which Somalia’s government considers a violation of its sovereignty. The UAE is a major investor in Somaliland’s Berbera port.

He further alleged that weapons were flowing into Ethiopia, another regional heavyweight facing internal and external pressures. “The drones that have recently been landing in Addis Ababa, Debre Zeyit, and Bahir Dar—where did they come from? Who is bringing them?” he asked rhetorically. “The weapons that are being unloaded daily from huge transport planes are not hidden. What is the purpose?”

An ‘agent for others’

In his most explosive claim, Afwerki alleged the UAE was not an independent actor but a proxy for foreign powers. “I would say that all these missteps do not truly represent, in any conceivable way, the UAE. The UAE is acting as an agent of others. This is extremely worrying.”

He explicitly linked these actions to Israeli interests, stating, “The ultimate aim seems to create a conducive environment for Israeli control in the region.”

Visibly dismayed, Afwerki contrasted the UAE’s current actions with the legacy of its founder, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan.

“I first met Sheikh Zayed in 1972, 53 years ago, when the UAE was first established… He was an honorable man; a truly great Statesman,” he recalled. “For a country founded by such a noble man to be embroiled in such acts: Why? It remains unacceptable by all standards.”

The UAE has not yet publicly responded to the wide-ranging allegations. Abu Dhabi has consistently framed its foreign policy and investments, particularly through port operator DP World, as partnerships aimed at fostering economic development and regional stability. 

MOGADISHU, Somalia – Somalia’s National Security Advisor, Hussein Macalin, has been forced from his powerful post, the culmination of months of high-stakes political infighting, a scandal over stolen US military aid, and disagreements over foreign alliances, according to Caasimada Online sources.

The departure on July 25 reveals deep fractures within the administration of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud at a critical time in its prolonged war against the Al-Shabaab extremist group.

While Macalin formally submitted his resignation weeks ago, sources inside the presidential palace, known as Villa Somalia, indicate he was ultimately pressured to leave. His ouster is attributed to a confluence of crises that sidelined him and made his position untenable, including being scapegoated for military failures and policy disputes.

A scandal over US aid

The friction reportedly began escalating in early 2024 with a scandal involving the disappearance of US aid intended for the Danab Brigade, an elite Somali commando force trained and equipped by the United States to lead counter-terrorism operations.

An American-led investigation in April 2024 uncovered that food aid and other supplies for the Danab forces had been misappropriated. According to Caasimada Online sources, officials at the Ministry of Defence and senior military leaders blamed Macalin’s office for failing to address the allegations adequately. Some security officials went further, accusing his office of complicity, claiming he was aware of the theft but failed to act.

This incident damaged trust and created a significant rift between Macalin and key figures in Somalia’s security apparatus, which relies heavily on international support from partners like the United States and Turkey.

Infighting over military strategy 

Macalin’s influence was further eroded by sharp disagreements over military strategy and foreign policy, particularly concerning Jubaland, a federal member state in southern Somalia. He reportedly advised against a planned government military operation against the administration of Jubaland’s president, Ahmed Madobe, fearing it would sow division within the Somali National Army.

His advice was ignored, and when the offensive in the Raaskambooni region failed, his office was allegedly blamed for not providing a viable security plan.

His marginalization intensified amid sensitive geopolitical negotiations. Macalin was reportedly excluded from high-level discussions about deploying Egyptian troops to Somalia as part of the new African Union mission (AUSSOM).

This move came as Somalia strengthened ties with Egypt and Turkey in response to a controversial port access deal between Ethiopia and the breakaway region of Somaliland, a deal Mogadishu views as a violation of its sovereignty.

Caught between competing factions within the president’s inner circle, Macalin was effectively sidelined, with his duties reportedly transferred to the President’s Chief of Staff.

A diverted ship and a tell-all book

After months of “professional isolation,” Macalin tendered his resignation as early as May 2025. However, President Mohamud delayed accepting it while searching for a successor.

The situation came to a head on July 20, 2025. On the same night, it was reported that a ship carrying arms for TURKSOM, Turkey’s vast military training base in Mogadishu, had been diverted to the semi-autonomous Puntland state, and the presidency moved to accept Macalin’s pending resignation.

Sources cited in the report claim Villa Somalia blamed Macalin for the leak of this sensitive information, using it as a final justification for his removal.

Adding to the pressure, Macalin is said to have authored a forthcoming book detailing the inner workings of Somalia’s security apparatus, its relationship with international partners, and decision-making within Villa Somalia. The manuscript has reportedly caused significant concern within the presidency over potential revelations of sensitive state information.

Hussein Macalin, who previously served as an advisor to former President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, had a complex history, having once been associated with the precursor to Al-Shabaab before renouncing extremism.

His departure leaves a critical vacuum in Somalia’s security leadership as the government continues its offensive against Al-Shabaab and navigates turbulent regional politics. The ensuing power struggle to fill his role is expected to be intense among the president’s allies.

Las Anod, Somalia – Delegates in the northern city of Las Anod on Wednesday formally established a new autonomous state named ‘North-East Somalia,’ a move aimed at creating a new federal member state and reshaping the volatile political map of the Horn of Africa nation.

The declaration solidifies a new political reality on the ground, coming nearly a year after local clan-based forces expelled troops from the self-declared republic of Somaliland, which had controlled the city for over 15 years.

In a constitutional convention, 417 delegates representing local clans unanimously approved a new constitution and a flag for the administration, which will govern the Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn regions. The new entity replaces the interim SSC-Khaatumo administration, which led the military and political campaign that secured the city.

“This is a great and historic result,” organizers of the convention announced after the vote, which was conducted by a show of hands.

The newly adopted flag features blue and green horizontal stripes with a white triangle on the hoist, bearing the emblem of a horse. The emblem pays homage to the famous steed of Sayid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, a revered early 20th-century anti-colonial leader who is a national hero, particularly among the local Dhulbahante clan that spearheaded the new state’s formation.

The establishment of North-East Somalia aims to formalize its status as a Federal Member State, aligning it directly with the central government in Mogadishu and challenging the territorial claims of its powerful neighbors, Somaliland and Puntland.

A state born from conflict

The creation of the new administration is a direct consequence of a bloody conflict that erupted in Las Anod, the capital of the Sool region, in late 2022. Protests against a series of assassinations of local figures escalated into a full-scale armed struggle in February 2023 between Somaliland security forces and the newly formed SSC-Khaatumo forces.

After months of heavy fighting that displaced tens of thousands of people, SSC-Khaatumo forces, primarily drawn from the Dhulbahante clan, successfully pushed Somaliland troops out of Las Anod in August 2023, establishing complete control.

The conflict stemmed from long-standing local grievances against Somaliland’s administration and a desire for self-determination under the Somali federal system.

Somaliland, which declared independence from Somalia in 1991 but is not internationally recognized, continues to claim the Sool and Sanaag regions based on the colonial-era borders of the former British Somaliland protectorate.

To the east, the Puntland federal member state also asserts a claim over the territory based on kinship ties, as the Dhulbahante and Warsangeli clans are part of the Harti clan confederation dominant in Puntland. The new North-East Somalia state carves out a third path, rejecting the authority of both.

Lingering disputes and next steps

Despite the celebratory mood in Las Anod, officials involved in the process acknowledged that significant challenges remain.

“There are still disputes over power-sharing that need to be resolved,” one official involved in the administration’s formation told local media, speaking on condition of anonymity.

He noted that the Warsangeli clan, which predominantly inhabits the northern Sanaag region, still has unresolved grievances regarding its role and representation in the new state.

Such internal divisions could complicate the administration’s efforts to consolidate its authority across both regions. Political agreements may need to be revisited to address any formal opposition to the new constitution or structure.

With the constitution now approved, the administration’s immediate priority is to establish formal government institutions, including a parliament (legislative council) and a cabinet (executive council).

The formation of North-East Somalia introduces a new and assertive actor into one of Somalia’s most complex and long-standing territorial disputes. Its success will depend on its ability to manage internal clan dynamics, secure its territory, and navigate the intricate politics of federal Somalia, all while under the watchful eyes of its spurned neighbors.

Beled Hawo (Caasimada Online) – Somali government forces on Wednesday seized control of the strategic town of Beled Hawo on the Kenyan border after a week of heavy fighting, ousting troops loyal to the regional state of Jubaland in a major escalation of a long-simmering political dispute.

Forces loyal to the federal government in Mogadishu launched a final, decisive assault on Wednesday afternoon, overwhelming Jubaland security forces who subsequently retreated across the border into the neighboring Kenyan town of Mandera.

The capture marks a significant victory for the central government in its struggle to assert authority over the semi-autonomous Jubaland state.

Local reports indicated the battle for the town lasted several hours. “The fighting was heavy, but the federal forces eventually overpowered the Jubaland troops,” a local elder told reporters by phone on condition of anonymity.

The federal offensive was reportedly launched from strategic positions around the town, including a military camp on the outskirts, which had been reinforced with federal troops in recent days.

The federal operation was spearheaded by Abdirashid Hassan Abdinur, better known as Abdirashid Janan, a controversial figure whose presence adds a complex layer to the conflict. Janan, the Gedo region’s intelligence chief, was formerly the security minister for Jubaland—the very administration his forces have now ousted from Beled Hawo.

In 2019, Janan was arrested by federal authorities in Mogadishu and accused by human rights groups of overseeing forces responsible for serious abuses. However, he staged a dramatic escape from government custody in January 2020 and fled to Kenya. His re-emergence at the head of a federal-aligned militia highlights the fluid and often personal nature of political alliances in Somalia.

Following the capture of the town, forces led by Janan released video footage showing them in control of key administrative buildings, including the district headquarters and the central police station.

Gedo: The epicenter of a political power struggle

The battle for Beled Hawo is the latest flashpoint in a protracted power struggle over the Gedo region between Somalia’s Federal Government (FGS) and the Jubaland administration, led by President Ahmed Madobe, a key political rival of the central government.

Gedo is constitutionally part of Jubaland, but the federal government has been actively working to bring the region under its direct control, a move seen by Jubaland and other federal states as an unconstitutional power grab aimed at centralizing authority in Mogadishu. This dispute has frequently led to armed confrontations and has been a significant obstacle to holding stable regional and national elections.

Beled Hawo, situated in a strategic corner of the Horn of Africa where Somalia, Kenya, and Ethiopia meet, is a vital economic hub and a crucial security asset. Control over the town and its border crossings is essential for trade, revenue, and military positioning.

An uneasy calm has returned to Beled Hawo, but the situation remains tense. Jubaland previously vowed it would not relinquish control of the town’s security.

There are fears that the conflict could spill further across the border. Reports from the region suggest the defeated Jubaland forces are regrouping in Mandera, Kenya, raising the possibility of a counter-attack.

“The Jubaland forces have withdrawn to Kenya, but they may try to launch a counter-attack,” a security analyst in Mogadishu said. “This situation is far from over and risks drawing Kenya deeper into Somalia’s internal political disputes.”

The international community, including the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM), has repeatedly called for a de-escalation of tensions in Gedo, urging dialogue between federal and state leaders to resolve their political differences peacefully. However, the latest developments suggest the dispute is increasingly being settled on the battlefield.

Hargaisa (Caasimada Online) – In a bold push for international legitimacy, Somaliland—a self-declared republic in the Horn of Africa—is extending a hand to the United States, offering access to a strategic military base near the Red Sea and potential deals for untapped critical minerals.

The proposal is part of a broader effort by President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, who took office in 2024, to secure formal recognition from Washington by presenting Somaliland as a stable and democratic partner in a fragile region.

The move comes amid growing global competition between the United States and China for influence and resources across Africa. While the U.S. still officially recognizes Somalia’s sovereignty over the territory, Somaliland’s leadership argues that its decades-long track record of peace and democratic governance—especially in contrast to Somalia’s continued struggles with conflict and insurgency—deserves a fresh look.

Somaliland’s geography is one of its greatest assets. With a coastline stretching along the Gulf of Aden, it sits at the mouth of the Bab al-Mandab Strait—a key shipping lane increasingly threatened by Iran-backed Houthi attacks from neighboring Yemen, especially amid the ongoing conflict in Gaza.

A potential U.S. military base at the port of Berbera could boost American maritime security in the region. The UAE, a U.S. ally, already operates the Berbera port and maintains control over a nearby airstrip currently used for military flights.

In a recent interview, President Abdullahi shared that discussions with the U.S. Embassy in Somalia and the Department of Defense are progressing, focusing on areas such as economic development, regional security, and counter-terrorism.

“We talked about ways to collaborate on security, trade, and stability,” he said, pointing to multiple visits by the U.S. ambassador and defense officials to Somaliland in recent months.

Diplomatic realities

Despite these conversations, the U.S. State Department maintains that it is not in “active discussions” regarding official recognition of Somaliland. Ambassador Richard Riley has met with Somaliland officials, acknowledging mutual regional interests.

However, Washington continues to uphold the “One Somalia” policy—backing the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia as recognized by the international community.

This stance was reinforced by Somalia’s State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Ali Mohamed Omar, who reaffirmed Mogadishu’s opposition to any parallel engagement that undermines national unity.

Alongside its strategic location, Somaliland is highlighting its largely unexplored mineral wealth. While the region is not yet a producer of lithium, President Abdullahi said the country is open to future deals with the U.S. for access to critical minerals.

Exploration licenses have already been issued, and surveys point to the presence of tin, gemstones, gypsum, cement components, and gold—resources that align with broader U.S. efforts to diversify supply chains away from strategic competitors.

Once a British protectorate, Somaliland declared independence in 1991 after Somalia’s central government collapsed. It has since held regular elections and built functional institutions, yet continues to lack formal international recognition.

Its relative stability contrasts sharply with Somalia, where federal authorities remain locked in a long fight against Al-Shabaab militants and, to a lesser extent, Islamic State affiliates.

The U.S. remains a key partner in Somalia’s counter-terrorism strategy, with AFRICOM deputy commander John Brennan recently describing it as the Pentagon’s “main effort“ in East Africa.

President Abdullahi emphasized that recognition remains the ultimate goal—but the path there, he says, lies through meaningful engagement with the international community. That includes cooperation on shared security concerns, anti-piracy operations, and managing irregular migration flows.

He also reiterated Somaliland’s openness to hosting a U.S. military presence: “If the U.S. is interested in coming to Somaliland, they are most welcome.”

Looking ahead, the president is expected to visit the United States to continue advocating for Somaliland’s case. He clarified that while the new offers to Washington are not contingent on immediate recognition—potentially even under a future Trump administration—he remains hopeful. “We look forward to these discussions bearing fruit in the near future,“ he said.

The recognition campaign has further strained ties with Mogadishu. Abdullahi accused Somalia of trying to undermine Somaliland’s autonomy by forming alternative administrations within its territory.

“You cannot talk peace and then divide Somaliland at the same time,“ he said. “We are a peace-loving nation, but we are also ready to defend our land and our people.”